I investigate the ETHICAL dimensions of Democracy. My Blog emphasizes colonial (mainly Brit), postcolonial (mainly India, South~South) and neo-imperial(mainly US) arrangements in contemporary and historical perspective. www.facebook.com/chithra.karunakaran www.disqus.com/EthicalDemocracy @EthicalDemocrac http://southasianidea.com EthicalDemocracy
Monday, June 29, 2009
Climate Change Bill Passes the House
EthicalDemocracy
Chennai, Tamil Nadu India
June 29th, 2009
8:31 am
Despite the heavy NO votes by those elected leaders who can't seem to practice thoughtful action on the environment, based on factual evidence, it's hoped we will soon have a LAW after the Senate passes the same.
Let's then implement it for the Greater Collective Good (GCG, economists need to measure this as an outcome).
The Greater Collective Good appears to be an almost alien concept in the US when it comes to global environmental justice. But any step, however small, in this direction, is welcome.
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
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New York Times copyright
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/29/opinion/29krugman.html
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Thursday, May 14, 2009
Norway and Ethical Democracy
May 14, 2009 10:08 am
May 14th, 2009 10:00 am
Norway and Ethical Democracy
The rest of the world has much to learn from ALL the Scandinavian countries, not only Norway.
Norway's example shows WE, the People, with our elected government, can construct democracies where inequality is lessened through social policy. Norway's example demonstrates We can construct democracies where the Greater Collective Good (GCG, my coinage) is seen as an achievable goal.
The US model of militaristic capitalism in which individualism is the foremost priority, but Democracy is an addendum, accompanied by boom and bust cycles, lack of oversight and regulation, is not a desirable model for the rest of the world, especially not the Global South, in recovery from colonialism, underdevelopment and now neo-imperialism coupled with market fundamentalism.
Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
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NYT copyright
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/14/business/global/14frugal.html
Thriving Norway Provides an Economics Lesson
By LANDON THOMAS Jr.
Instead of spending its oil riches, Norway saved, and it is now growing in the midst of the global recession.
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Sunday, March 1, 2009
The Ethical Self In The Environment: Global Warming, Climate Change and the Nation-State
By ELISABETH ROSENTHAL
Published: February 28, 2009
http://community.nytimes.com/article/comments/2009/03/01/science/earth/01treaty.html
New York Times copyright
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My comment #83.
March 01, 2009 11:39 am
Link NY Times
March 1st, 2009 11:31 am
The article states:
"But Kyoto was shaped largely by climate scientists and environment ministers, not the higher-level officials now laying the groundwork."
What is blatantly absent from this equation is the lack of any articulation of social justice objectives, and the lack of grassroots involvement of ordinary folks, in other words civil societies of sovereign nation-states.
These civil societies vastly differ in their energy use and their contribution to greenhouse gases. For example in India, a huge mainly rural agricultural economy, what most contributes to the 'brown cloud' over much of the subcontinent is a result of smoke from household fires and burning in fields in preparation for the next cycle of planting, by subsistence landless cultivators. That is the pattern for most of the Global South, where the majority of the world's population resides.
That's a little different than emissions from gas guzzling SUVs on US highways or the cost of producing and disposing of countless varieties of mainly useless products in consumption-driven economies in Europe and North America.
Growth and development are not the same thing, as we are all finding out.
Will the people of Europe and particularly the US, consume less and conserve more? Will that happen during an extended period of dismal economic forecasts?
To effect a dramatic change at the grass roots level, civil societies have to be given the opportunity to be directly involved in change, change we can believe in that results in social justice through equitable sharing of natural resources, not lectured to by the "trickle down" approach of government agencies and Nobel-Prize winning intergovernmental panels like the UN's IPCC or individual climate crusaders like Gore, or even a greener presidency under Obama.
Where are the people?
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Wednesday, December 3, 2008
The Beginning of the End of U.S. Unipolarity and Exceptionalism?
Gloom But Not Doom
NYTimes unsigned Editorial
Published: December 3, 2008
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My Commment: #49.
December 04, 2008 9:52 am
Link
December 4, 2008 1:30 am
"Dreaded multipolarity?" The New York Times "dreads" many and diverse faces and voices at the table of the 21st century?
The writer(s) of this editorial confound cause with consequence (example coercive power, greedy consumption, unrelenting meddling can ignite pathological retaliation) and the writers fail to recognize that US supremacist unipolarity and exceptionalism are the root cause of much dissent and suffering across geopolitical regions and within sovereign nation-states.
The NYTimes editorial concludes:
Their (NIC) report on the concept states that “leadership is not an entitlement; it has to be earned and sustained. Leadership that serves common goals is the best way to inspire the many different peoples of the world to make shared commitments.” That is a good place to start.
But this conclusion reiterates what has gone before, instead of repudiating U.S. exceptionalism. The US continues to see itself as a pre-emptive leader instead of engaging in empathic consensus for the Greater Collective Good. Does the rest of the world need to be "inspired" by the U.S. sitting at the head of the table, or can we project the possibility that even the least of individuals, groups and nation-states can get their fair share when they come/are allowed at the table?
In fact, the beginning of the end of the "dreaded" unipolarity of US exceptionalism is cause for cautious celebration and audacious hope.
Are we there there yet?
Chithra KarunaKaran
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Ethical Democracy as Lived Practice
Saturday, November 29, 2008
Global South Journalists -- Two Sellouts to U.S. dominant mainstream media
Chithra KarunaKaran
South Asian Journalists Association (SAJA)
http://www.sajaforum.org/2008/11/mumbai-attacks-critique-the-media-coverage/comments/page/2/#comments
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1862650,00.html
a Time magazine article partly contributed by two journalists of South Asian origin.
Malcolm X had an excellently apt phrase which describes the standing of these two journalists vis a vis the dominant mainstream US media. Those who do not know X's accurate but often censored phrase, should look it up in his autobiography, as narrated to Alex Haley.
My comment:
South Asian colonial history is more critically appraised by subaltern writers -- Time magazine and its writers do not qualify.
Britain's role in West Asia (I never refer to it as the Middle East) and South Asia continues, particularly through its "special" relationship with the U.S.
It is interesting to note that in this article rightwing Time completely fails to narrate the U.S. neo-imperial distortion of West Asian and South Asian sub-continental geopolitics,
beginning all the way back from the imposed establishment of the state of Israel in West Asia and the creation of SEATO in South and South East Asia in the Dulles era of the U.S. Sate Department.
That constitutes the more recent and therefore relevant 60+years' U.S. dominant-power context update of the present terrorist activity, that Time cleverly (intentionally?) fails to provide in the above-mentioned article partially written by two Global South Journalists
The US took over from the Brits and expanded its own supremacist control over these regions, deploying a combination of the old divide-and-rule strategy & new capital gained from exploiting Global South natural resources.
Of course the subcontinental elites colluded, no doubt about that. They continue to collude to advance their own narrow profit-centered interests, at the expense of the Greater Collective Good -- food, shelter, health for The People.
The US 'model' of 'democracy' founded on and enriched by the profits from slavery and genocide and advanced through 'free' market exploitation of emerging post-colonial sovereign liberatory nation-states, needs to be emphatically and critically rejected in policy and practice by Global South regional economies and nation-states.
South-South cooperation is essential, real and already underway.
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The Times of India feeds and the BBC reports are far superior to anything coming out of the NYT or any section of the US media. However I have been writing comments on NYT, especially on the Lede blog.
I also listened to a terrific audio on The Times of South Africa website describing a dramatic rescue of 150 guests from the Taj by a South African "close protection" security specialist. Check it out.
Even though Bush is despicable, he had apt words in response to the horrific Mumbai events. Obama went one better and both focused on India's diverse democracy.
My suggestion is Let us all keep our Eyes on the Prize -- Indian Democracy. Indian Democracy is the prize the terrorists are really after.
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in contrast spoke as if he had been recently mummified. No sense of emotional connection to his suffering fellow citizens. Modi was his usual brash condemnable self and Patil was smirking about the Indian security response. Why does this fool still have a job?
I also picked up a story in Time magazine which I posted on my blog along with my comment which is pasted below:
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1862650,00.html
by aryn baker, With reporting by Jyoti Thottam / Mumbai and Ershad Mahmud / Islamabad
Jyoti Thottam and her Pakistani colleague both work for rightwing Time. Malcolm X had a choice phrase which describes their standing. Time and saja censorship would prevent me from using his phrase here, but it is an excellently apt one for these two sellout so-called journalists.
South Asian colonial history is more critically appraised by subaltern writers -- Time magazine and its writers do not qualify.
Britain's role in West Asia and South Asia which continues particularly through its "special" relationship with the U.S.
It is interesting to note that rightwing Time completely fails to narrate the U.S. neo-imperial distortion of West Asian and South Asian sub-continental geopolitics,
beginning all the way back from the imposed establishment of the state of Israel in West Asia and the creation of SEATO in the Dulles era of the U.S. Sate Department.
That constitutes the more recent 60+years' dominant-power context update of the present terrorist activity, that Time cleverly fails to provide.
The US took over from the Brits and expanded its own supremacist control over these regions,
with a combination of the old divide-and-rule strategy & new capital gained from exploiting Global South resources.
The US 'model' of 'democracy' founded on slavery and genocide and advanced through 'free' market exploitation of emerging post-colonial sovereign liberatory nation-states, needs to be emphatically and critically rejected in policy and practice by Global South regional economies and nation-states.
South-South cooperation is essential, real and already underway.
It's time Global South journalists located in the US stopped selling out/embedding with US mainstream media.
Oops, wrong place to make this observation, SAJA is part of the problem because it is located within the entrenched dominant U.S. media perspective that cravenly goes along with US foreign policy.
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Chithra KarunaKaran
Posted by: Chithra KarunaKaran | November 29, 2008 at 09:03 PM
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.Blogspot.com
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http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1862650,00.html
Thursday, February 7, 2008
Oppressed Histories, Suppressed Knowledges, Segregated Environments: Critical Environmental Studies
ABSTRACT
Dalit Histories, Dalit Environments: Critical Environmental Studies for the Investigation of Power, Space and Place in the Post-Revolutionary, Secular Democratic Indian Nation-State
Human interactions with natural and built environments and conversely the natural and built environments’ impact upon humans, are both embedded in relations of unequal power in terms of access to both nature and culture. Therefore it is critically important to create, generate and utilize new and rigorous research methodologies that recognize the centrality of non-shared, distributed meanings about nature and culture within and across diverse population groups, all of whom are competing stakeholding polities in the post-revolutionary, democratic Indian nation-state. This new knowledge production will necessarily note disparities and divergences in the lifeworlds and socio-economic trajectories of caste, class, ethnicity, gender, religion, income, occupation, employment, age, locality (dis)ability and other intersecting variables of human group membership. A Critical Environmental Studies is suggested. PRO-POOR JUSTICE is the core outcome for such investigations.
Human Geography and Public History are among relatively recent transdisciplines within the social sciences which seek to study divergent and diachronic human patterns and processes within and across specific natural and built environmental contexts. Critical Environmental Studies may be furthered through these new transdisciplines.
I argue, using census data and other primary and secondary sources, that the social complexity and environmental diversity of the Indian nation-state and its prospects for continuing success as a democracy, necessitates the deployment of a constellation of research methodologies that foreground the social relations of power, oppression, subordination, inequality, inequity, exclusion and creating the necessary conditions for empowerment within and across wilderness, rural, urban and transitional environments.
Therefore a Critical Environmental Studies can foreground pro-poor justice by investigating Dalit histories, Dalit contemporary movements and Dalit environments, more broadly framed as the critical study of oppressed histories, suppressed knowledges and segregated environments, offering possibilities for research leading to public policy. The core aim of that public policy would be environmental justice for the Greater Collective Good (GCG™) of the diverse stakeholding polities of the post-revolutionary, democratic Indian nation-state.
Keywords, keyword phrases: Critical Environmental Studies, Dalits, environmental commons, Greater Collective Good, (GCG™) human geography, public history, stakeholding polities, nature, culture, inequality, oppressed histories, suppressed knowledges, segregated environments.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
Presentation at CPRAF Conference on Environment & Indian History
Chennai, Tamil
Note: Intellectual property for unrestricted use with full and complete authorial attribution.
Paper
Critical Environmental Studies
Chithra KarunaKaran
My central thesis for this paper is: the unprecedented Gandhian post-revolutionary, secular democratic Indian nation-state urgently needs to establish Critical Environmental Studies.
Contemporary India can and must develop transformative, transdisciplinary syllabi and practical pedagogies of knowledge production that advance public awareness, consciousness-raising and understanding of local- global environmental issues and concerns that affect and are affected by multiple diverse, competing stakeholding polities of the globally positioned Indian nation-state.
Utilizing holistic, rigorous, integrative, multidisciplinary approaches that draw upon the natural sciences, social sciences and technologies, as well as developing cutting edge investigative assessments of government’s environmental policymaking and implementation (or lack thereof) at the local-global levels, our researchers, scholars, educators, students activists and citizens have the ethical, professional and public responsibility to prioritize the competing and converging environmental goals, needs and aspirations of stakeholding polities of the Indian nation-state.
First, let us consider the global. Mindless replication of western-derived environmental models, especially model(s) of predatory, so-called ‘free market”
The world cannot afford another
Second, what constitutes the local? The overarching social, political and economic meta construct of caste continues to reproduce inequalities which are being re-negotiated in the contemporary context. Therefore, equally and perhaps more dangerously, preserving and maintaining the dominant home-grown, caste-dominant status quo of knowledge production about the environment, through eco-romantic notions of an undoubtedly glorious, but blatantly unequal, environmental heritage in which the oppressed histories, suppressed knowledges and segregated environments of subordinated groups was, and continues to be made invisible or insignificant, is not a viable option in our Gandhi-Ambedkar post-revolutionary democracy.
In contrast, Critical Environmental Studies in schools and colleges and for the general public, can encourage empirical, data-centered investigation of specific environmental issues that can promote sustainability, development of alternative energies, practices and progressive policy-making by central and state governments, by paying attention to entrenched and unequal social formations in specific environmental contexts. In particular, oppressed, suppressed, excluded, underrepresented, neglected and discriminated stakeholding polities can have opportunities to self-identify and engage in educational and democratic processes that influence optimal, equitable sharing of our Environmental Commons with the core objective of advancing the Greater Collective Good (GCG).
I will now unpack each of the above-referenced, bold-faced concepts in this paper.
What is Critical Environmental Studies ?
First, let us clarify what we mean by environment and also what it is not. The environment is not a static, value-free, abstract entity. The environment is diverse, peopled, inhabited by fauna, vegetated, species-rich, resource-rich, enhanced or degraded, configured and re-configured by human agency (which includes nation-state political action) and natural forces. The environment exists as physical, material, palpable reality, infused with diverse symbolic meaning(s) by diverse groups and is constructed dynamically through natural and human agency in space over time.
Let us keep unpacking this multifaceted concept What is Environment? What are Environments? Together they constitute what I have called the Environmental Commons. What constitutes the Environmental Commons? The Environmental Commons is that shared but frequently segregated space that is the totality of air, water, land, flora, fauna and all natural and social heritage resources therein.
Environments as a plural concept, are both natural and built spaces, environments are shaped by both nature and culture and in turn shape interaction within and across multiple, diverse stakeholding polities in the post-revolutionary, democratic Indian nation-state. The environment of a SUV riding urbanite is not the same as the environment of a rickshaw puller or a cobbler even though their respectively segregated social locations and segregated environments are interactive and their environments overlap and impact each other unequally. Clearly the concepts of environment and environments are interpenetrating, intersecting and inseparable. Further, the concept of environments allows for acknowledgment and recognition of both natural and built spaces as shaped by human interaction and intervention, as having ecological specificity and differentiation of both space and place, with space as material entity and place as social location, and therefore capable of critical scientific analysis, utilizing a spectrum of disciplines, methodologies and knowledges.
The following edited narrative data set will serve to illustrate my point. Much more in-depth data collection for this narrative dataset is obviously necessary to perform an analysis that is part of Critical Environmental Studies.
Student: My name is --- (deleted for purposes of privacy and confidentiality of subjects). I study at ---(deleted for purposes of privacy and confidentiality of subjects)
Critical Environmental Studies
Study: I am in the Botany Department at …. (deleted for purposes of privacy and confidentiality of subjects)
CESM: Wow that’s really exciting. I keep discovering for myself everyday how studying environmental issues needs to be multidisciplinary in order to be rigorous. So what research project are you working on right now?
Student: I am making a taxonomy of the plants in a sacred grove in Cuddalur District in Tamil Nadu.
CESM: I’m jealous. I wish I could go there and observe and record the vegetation. BTW, you described yourself as a botany student. That is fine but it is more important to view yourself and describe yourself as a Plant Ecologist. Your work has important implications for the environment and for the historical and contemporary social relations of that ecological niche which you are calling a sacred grove, a Kovil Kadu, do you understand what I mean?
Student: Well I don’t fully understand….yes.
CESM: I want you think about that. Your role is important. Your perception of your role will shape and influence what you do, how you do your work. This is a proven finding in both cognitive psychology and cognitive sociology. So I suggest you think of yourself and talk about yourself to others as a Plant Ecologist.
Student: OK.
CESM: So tell me more about this Kovil kadu in Cuddalur. Who are the people in the Kovil Kadu? What are their caste affiliations and what is their social and economic relationship?
Student: Well the sacred grove has two groups, Vanniyars and Naidus.
CESM: So these are the dominant castes in the sacred grove, yes? Do you know anything more about them?
Student: Yes. The Naidus moved into the area.
CESM: Caste relationships are always significant at the local level. So, the Naidus enjoy co-equal status with the Vanniyars? If you are migrating group like the Naidus in this particular example, you can always reinvent yourself as better, more important, having a glorious lineage etc. than if you stay in the same place. Caste has always had upward social mobility which is also why it has so much power.
Student: I think so. They (Vanniyars, Naidus) are equal.
CESM: If there are dominant caste groups in this particular Kovil Kadu, there’s got to be subordinated caste and outcaste groups. Who are the Dalits in the so-called sacred grove?
Student: The Dalits are allowed to go into the scared grove on special religious festivals.
CESM: First you should make a list of all the dominant and subordinated caste and outcaste groups in the Kovil Kadu. The fact that the Dalits need permission from the Naidus and the Vanniyars obviously confirms their subordinated status. The plant taxonomy of the sacred grove cannot be fully understood unless you understand the political economy of the sacred grove.
Who is the deity of the Vanniyars and the Naidus?
Student: It is a god called Agni Veeran.
CESM: Hmm Agni Veeran. A dominant, powerful god. I’m betting the Dalits have a different, inferior god. Who is the deity of the Dalits?
Student: He is called Nondy (lame) Veeran.
CESM: There you go. In other words, every Dalit adult, every Dalit child from earliest childhood all throughout their lives, in that so-called sacred grove, gets the powerful cultural caste message that they are inferior, that even their God is defective, misshapen, inferior. That is a powerful message that reproduces and affirms social inequality, using religion as a tool. You see, caste inequality is being reproduced and affirmed, today in the year 2008. That is very important.
Obviously I am not suggesting that differently abled persons are inferior. But in this data, the Dalit gets a powerful outcaste-based message of social and cultural inferiority. Do you see how social relationships shape the ecology and environment of the sacred grove, segregating it and rendering it unequal?
Student: OK, I’ll try to understand your point.
CESM: Now your job is to demonstrate, through your data, that the plant taxonomy is socially constructed. Ask yourself some critical questions to help you make sense of your data. Q.Which group(s) own the most economically valuable plants?Q. Which plants are sacred? Who made them sacred? Who controls the economic resources of the sacred grove? Keep asking questions and keep collecting data. Your project has just begun. Now you are beginning to undertake Critical Environmental Studies.
Congratulations!
(end of edited narrative dataset)
Critical Environmental Studies therefore necessitates a multipolar, multidimensional appraisal of environment and environments.
No single discipline or field of inquiry or theory or methodology will be adequate or sufficient to capture the environmental and social complexity of the Indian nation-state and its increasing strategic interfaces with world environmental systems. The environment and environments are not private property to be exclusively appropriated by historians or sociologists or engineers or policymakers but each may contribute their specific expertise (which is admittedly narrow) to a combined and comprehensive understanding that is both critical and transformative, of current unequal access to and participation in our common environment.
Therefore, we need to develop comprehensive, dynamic and specific approaches that allow for investigation and analysis of environmental spaces, contexts, niches, localities and their related issues and concerns.
More than ever, it is important to be able to develop Critical Environmental Studies for comprehensively studying human interaction vis a vis natural and built environments in spatial-temporal contexts that are wideranging and involve the local-global nexus simultaneously. For example global climate change (now proven to be caused by human action,despite claims to the contrary, by powerful U.S. Govt. and corporate interests, ) is on one end of the spectrum and at the other end of that same spectrum, is the recent local introduction in India, of the so-called “people’s car”, the Nano, as a policy priority over grossly inadequate mass public transportation. Much has already been written and said on global climate change and it is now recognized as an existing phenomenon with immediate disastrous mid- and long term consequences for our planet. Let me instead focus on the local implications for a Critical Environmental Studies in the case of the Nano.
In Critical Environment Studies, which continually intersect the local with the global, the questions to be investigated, among others, might be:
Q. Which stakeholding polities -- urban elites, multinational corporates, politicians, consuming classes who are also the disposing classes) both global and local, demonstrated unequal power of access to nature and culture in exercising their respective options on global climate change and local transportation that favored their own narrowly defined, self-serving constituencies, not constituencies working for the Greater Collective Good?
Q. What public needs assessments and what environmental feasibility studies, if any, were conducted as a basis for formulating a policy to favor production of a particular private car, over public buses, underground mass transit and expansion of passenger rail services? No public needs assessments? Why?
Q. How did the otherwise vocal Chairperson of the Nobel-winning Intergovernmental Policy on Climate Change (IPCC) who performed admirably (but without personal accountability) by telling entire nations what to do about climate change, become strangely silent, right in his own backyard, on the potential environmental impact of the Nano?
Q. Did the fact that he is employed (at an undisclosed salary as Director-General of TERI, the Energy Resources Institute, alternatively and perhaps more accurately referred to as Tata Energy Resources Institute, its forerunner) for which Tata is a primary founding corporate sponsor and multinational corporate player, prevent him from taking a proactive vocal stand for mass public transportation and against the private automobile? Was Pachauri bought by Tata so that the conglomerate could attempt to manufacture and sell the Nano?
Q.Is TERI, an institute constructed on the
Q. Which stakeholding polities of public mass transportation – office workers, agricultural laborers, farmers, children, the poor in general – were not represented, and whose stakeholding interests in mass public transportation were not taken into account?
Q. Was the decision to locate Nano production in Left-dominated
Q. What specific environmental impacts will be the consequence of a corporate-government (Tata/UPA) collusional policy decision to favor and develop private automobile transportation over public mass transportation?
The datasets and databases for investigation on the above Critical Environmental Studies topic would be: the text of the Tata Chairman’s own statements; TERI as corporate-financed think tank structural model; Singur as ecological niche; agricultural and landless stakeholders in Singur; central and local Government policy; High Court rulings; activist mass struggles; media coverage; environmental and economic feasibility of the Nano in urban and semi-urban environments; private vs. public transportation investments; and other related areas of research.
Critical Environmental Studies can study the dual impact of 1) central and state environmental policy and 2) national and multinational corporate activity, on marginal workers, landless agricultural laborers, sex trafficked women, child laborers, the disabled, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, ecological refugees, the elderly and other vulnerable groups. These vulnerable and largely voiceless groups are disproportionately and negatively impacted by both central and state environmental policy and national and multinational corporate activity No environmental study, whether historical or contemporary or both can afford to ignore the relations of unequal power between dominant and subordinated social groups who are an integral and instrumental part of the natural and built environment.
Clearly, as in the above examples, Critical Environmental Studies may make possible unflinching, rigorous independent environmental assessments based on data, not wealth and political influence, that foreground social, political and economic relations of unequal power over natural and built environments.
My mention above of narrowly defined, self-serving constituencies at both the local and global levels permits a seamless segue into a discussion of my concept of the Greater Collective Good (GCG).
What is the Greater Collective Good?
The Greater Collective Good is a quantifiable measure of a desirable outcome on any specific environmental issue. The GCG can be deployed both as a research and a policy tool.
As a specific and concrete example, to measure the Greater Collective Good, let us investigate the social location, economic marginality, ecological niche, government environmental policy implications, within a specific environment, in this case the Chennai urban environment, of a Dalit male of about 45 years, who can be readily observed in any Chennai locality, collecting discarded empty plastic Govt. of Tamil Nadu Aavin milk sachets, so that he can bring them in a large sack slung over his shoulder, to a private waste recycling business owner and be arbitrarily paid a pittance for his daily subsistence.
Critical Environmental Studies would ask the following questions as part of a research study:
Q. How many stakeholding polities are identifiable in the above-referenced data sample?
Q. Does this Dalit, knee-deep in garbage hazardous to his health represent a stakeholding polity?
Q. Who generates this trash of ever expanding volume and non-biodegradable variety, without public accountability? The urban middle class? (another stakeholding polity)
Q. What about the role of the state Govt.? Is it another identifiable stakeholding polity? It is both a producer of the waste product and a policy maker on this specific issue. Is there a conflict of interest here?
Q. What about the private recycling business owner, yet another stakeholding polity?
Q. Any other stakeholding polities that researchers may have missed? Who are they?
After identifying all the stakeholding polities on this particular environmental issue, some critical followup questions with environmental policy making implications are needed:
Q. Does the govt. whether local or national recognize this Dalit plastic trash picker as a Primary Ecologist who clearly makes a valuable contribution to the economy and the environment, or as a disposable human being whose birth and death are merely statistics for the municipal and census records and are only given lip service at election time?
Q. Does the govt. whether local or national, have a policy to subsidize this Dalit’s ecological contribution by paying his wages and meeting his socio-economic and health needs?
Q. Does the govt. have a policy to tax middle-class polities who disproportionately consume and generate waste from the product?
Q. Are there private-public partnerships that recognize their joint social responsibility since they are consumers of the abovementioned product but make no ecological contribution, in this particular example?
Therefore quantifying the Greater Collective Good as an environmental measure requires negotiating tradeoffs with competing but often socially, culturally and economically and unequal polities, but with a clear and rational data-centered, policy-specific commitment to those who are making ecological contributions (in the above-referenced case the Dalit plastic trash picker) and who gain little or no socio-economic return on their vital ecological contribution. The Greater Collective Good Measure of Environment challenges and dismantles supremacist, hierarchical caste-based ideology that is pervasive and has no empirical support when submitted to rigorous scientific methodology on protection and optimization of the environment for the benefit of ALL users.
Who and What are Stakeholding Polities?
Stakeholding polities, like all of the groups discussed in the above example, are indispensable human constituencies of the Post-Revolutionary, Democratic Indian nation-state. They are multiple, diverse, structurally unequal human collectivities with unequal access to, and participation in, both nature and culture. Stakeholding polities are assemblages of populations who inhabit multiple, diverse environments, they are groups of persons with unequal caste affiliations, distinct ethnic heritages, disparities and divergences in the lifeworlds, socio-historical and socio-economic trajectories of language, religion, gender, sexual orientation, income, employment, occupation, age, locality (dis)ability and other intersecting variables of human group membership.
In my presentation I set out to investigate the relationship between stakeholding polities and environments with the following core objective: to demonstrate that the study of environments must proceed as multidiscipline, interdiscipline and transdiscipline without privileging and valorizing any one field of inquiry such as history or environmental history.
Let me be specific -- If a scholar undertakes a study of Sacred Animals in Indian History, some critical questions must follow:
Q. Sacred to whom? Q. Made sacred by Whom? Q. What are the social consequences of sacralization? Q. Consequences of sacralization are experienced by whom? Q. If animals were/are sacralized, whose diet and socio-economic position are negatively affected, the collectivity with power over natural and cultural resources or the collectivity without power over natural and cultural resources?
Q. The historian is studying sacredness from whose perspective, the dominant or the oppressed?
Q. If history continues to be a master narrative of dominant castes and elite classes, what other disciplines and knowledges, especially oppressed and suppressed knowledges, can challenge, contest and dismantle the master narrative trajectory of history?
Such research questions and the answers they elicit may enable critical analysis of social relations of unequal power that shape both natural and built environments within and across wilderness, rural, urban and transitional spaces.
Natural Sciences, Social Sciences, Public History, Human Geography, Corporates, Governments, Technologies in the Construction of Critical Environmental Studies:
I have tried to make the case above for a rigorous transdisciplinary approach to Critical Environmental Studies. I have tried to show that a natural science, example botany that generates plant taxonomies, is inextricably connected to the sociology of caste orthodoxy in a specific ecological niche example a sacred grove. Again I have illustrated above that government policy can negatively impact the most marginalized workers in my example, marginalized workers who are making ecological contributions.
Clearly the so-called free market and globalization has important implications for Critical Environmental Studies. Corporates are amassing wealth and other resources and playing an increasingly significant role in controlling and directing the Indian economy. Finally rapidly changing technologies can be deployed to advance the greater collective good or they can be manipulated by government and corporates to limit the access and participation of subordinated stakeholding polities in the environment.
Environmental History or Critical Environmental Studies?
A focus on the historical past of dominant groups, written by dominant groups, cannot logically gather evidence about subordinated groups who are present in any ecological niche or context. That account must generally be advanced by those who have membership within that subordinated group, with possible strategic allies from dominant groups. The narrative evidence of history including its sub-field, environmental history is that it is a master narrative, the narrative by dominant groups of the lifeworlds of dominant groups. In
Below, I have paraphrased existing definitions of Public History and Human Geography for their possible use in constructing Critical Environmental Studies in the Indian context.
Public History can be described as a field of inquiry in which we present and interpret history in a wide variety of dynamic venues, ranging from street performance events to festivals to museums to public television to digital libraries. Students, scholars and activists can work as archivists, manuscript curators, documentary editors, oral historians, cultural resource managers, historical interpreters and new media specialists. The extensive and growing Public History of Race, Slavery, the
“Dalits Spaces, Dalit places” might well be the subject of Public History. Such a critical focus immediately raises the possibility that Brahmin (dominant-caste spaces) and Dalit spaces have very little in common but the crucial fact is that they unequally intersect in the natural and built environment. Similarly a Public History of the Narmada Bachao Andolan would highlight compelling evidence that ecological refugees are among the most marginalized and vulnerable stakeholding polities in the in the post-revolutionary secular democratic Indian nation-state. The list of potential topics for Public History is long and in
Human Geography foregrounds humans in their natural or built physical settings; Human Geography studies humans’ relationship with those specific multiple environments as well as humans’ activities/ plans in adapting themselves to it (and adapting to other socially located humans who form part of their environment) and in transforming their environment to their needs. Human Geography may in turn be subdivided into a number of fields, such as economic geography, political geography and geopolitics (its 20th-century offshoot, social geography (including urban geography, another 20th-century ramification), environmental perception and management, geographical cartography, geographic information systems, and military geography. Historical geography (which reconstructs geographies of the past and attempts to trace the evolution of physical and cultural features) and Urban and Regional planning are considered branches of geography. The Human Geography of ecological refugees, dislocated peoples, disabled populations, and topics like water and water sharing, credit and farmer suicide, invasion, occupation and ethnic strife can be considered legitimate fields of inquiry. The role of policymakers in shaping and determining these events is equally legitimate inquiry. Because Human Geography foregrounds humans in their natural and built settings it is strongly allied in intellectual inquiry with the constructions of Public History.
Critical Environmental Studies as detailed above in this paper, studies both natural and built environments from multiple diverse intersecting perspectives that are concurrently historical and contemporary, investigating unequal power, unequal access, unequal resources, unequal social locations within and across natural and built physical spaces.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
Note: Intellectual property for unrestricted use with full and complete authorial attribution. Any other use without full and complete authorial attribution shall constitute plagiarism.
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The Two Cultures debate and a unifying new sense of urgency
Posted by wkovarik under Environmental History , Academic lifeAlmost 50 years ago, British scientist and author C.P. Snow touched a nerve when he wrote about the split between the “Two Cultures” of academic and intellectual tradition: the scientific culture and the literary culture:
“There seems to be no place where the two cultures meet… The clashihg point of two subjects, two disciplines, two cultures — or two galaxies, as far as that goes — ought to produce creative chances. But there they are, in a vacuum, because those in the two cultures can’t talk to each other. It is bizarre how little of 20th century science has been assimilated.”
Snow argued that the condition was dangerous.
“In a time when science is determining much of our destiny, that is, whether we live or die, it is dangerous in the most practical terms… [The ‘two cultures’ gap should be closed] … for the sake of intellectual life and … for the sake of Western society living precariously rich among the poor, and for the poor who needn’t be poor if there is intelligence in the world.” These ideas resonated deeply within the academy, leading to widespread debate over the role of scientific communication (See this wiki article).
Around the same time, British scientist Jacob Brownowski made perhaps the most eloquent argument for scientific literacy and communication across cultural chasms:
“If we are anything, we must be a democracy of the intellect. We must not perish by the distance between people and power, by which Babylon and Egypt and Rome failed. And that distance can only be closed if knowledge sits in the homes and heads of people with no ambition to control others, and not in isolated seats of power.”
Before Snow and Bronowski, the basic idea of science communication usually involved enhancement of public appreciation for the benefits of science. But after the Two Cultures debate emerged in the mainstream, a strong polarization emerged, with the scientific culture considering itself “in favour of social reform and progress through science” while literary culture was composed of ‘Luddites’ intrinsically opposed to advanced industrial society.
Ironically, this polarization occurred in the 1960s, just as Silent Spring awakened the environmental movement from the long slumber of Conservationism. Environmentalists certainly did not see themselves as opposing science and progress, but rather as advocating rational science and the precautionary principle. One does not “progress” until one is certain of the direction one is taking.
But certainly the bitter attacks on Rachel Carson by the petrochemical industry and affiliated scientists were ample evidence that reform and science were not married to the hyper-industrial vision of society.
More recently, we have observed an obvious need to understand environmental science for the apparent sake of our long term ecological survival.
Yet it is important to remember that in previous decades, despite perhaps less than dire circumstances, there seemed an urgent need to share the logic and perspectives of science, for the benefit of human values shared with the literary culture, and as a simple component of the democratic process.
One Response to “The Two Cultures debate and a unifying new sense of urgency”
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.Blogspot.com
Sunday, February 3, 2008
The Rise of the Car Nazis: Ratan and the Tata Wannabes
The Rise of the Car Nazis: Ratan and the Tata Wannabes.
Ratan Tata has made an illegal Left turn in a no-car zone. The Nano is a no-no.
Can industry-hungry West Bengal help to rethink the Nano 'personal car' project and instead develop into a manufacturing hub for MASS PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION? Do we need more cars OR more and better public use transport -- buses, subway trains, rail?
The people of
Q.Why did Ratan Tata and the Tata Group choose to put their wholly admirable "frugal engineering" expertise into a private car and not into making buses and mass transportation vehicles? A.Corporate greed and personal ambition.
The Tata Group has decades of engineering knowhow in the heavy truck sector. Why didn't they build on this experience and come out with buses and other mass transport innovations? Again the answer is corporate greed and selfish personal ambition. Ratan Tata has absolutely no stake in the Greater Collective Good (GCG). Tata is all about profit. Tata is all about a narrow self-serving short term view in which he and Tata Group can make a quick buck and now unfortunately a Padma Vibhushan. That PV should have gone to Medha Patkar and she would have probably declined it. She would be right to do so. No point accepting a Padma Vibhushan from a Govt. that is committed to predatory capitalism against its own people.There are only a handful of folks like Patkar, Arundhati Roy, Anna Hazare, P. Sainath and a few others who cannot be bought and sold by corporate interests and criminal politicians.
I don't own a car either in India or the U.S. And I don't plan to own one, certainly not the Nano. I walk. I ride the buses and trains in
In
Even our Billionaire Mayor Michael Bloomberg rides the subway everyday to work. It's a great feeling to get on a train that runs under
Both the centre and the states must urgently invest in public mass transit which they have criminally neglected and disproportionately taxed.
Let's get real. India cannot afford the environmental cost of making or disposing a paper cup, let alone producing yet another car for private use.
The Nano represents a vivid test case for our civil society and the need for urgent development of a Critical Environmental Studies in schools and colleges to research such complex issues. I have presented the above ideas in
The Gandhian post-revolutionary democratic Indian nation-state deserves a lofty vision, mission and policies that affirm the public trust. Public mass transportation that is ecologically sustainable is part of that noble public trust.
Note: in a subsequent blog I have cut and pasted all or nearly all of Tata's own comments ("From the Chairman's Desk") on the Nano.
Let the reader perform her/his own critical analysis of whether the Nano serves the Greater Collective Good (GCG).
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.Blogspot.com
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see
http://development-dialogues.blogspot.com/2008/01/public-purpose-tag-on-singur-nano-plant.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/10/business/global/10tata.html?pagewanted=2
Tata’s Nano, the Car That Few Want to Buy
By VIKAS BAJAJ
Published: December 9, 2010
NYTimes copyright
Vikas Bajaj
MUMBAI, India — When it was introduced in early 2009, the egg-shaped Tata Nano was billed as a modern-day people’s car, an ultracheap vehicle that would bring greater mobility to the masses of India and, eventually, the world. But those ambitions have stalled — for now, at least.
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Kainaz Amaria for The New York Times
A Tata Nano LX in a suburb of Mumbai. Only 509 were shipped to dealers in November, down from 9,000 in July.
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Kainaz Amaria for The New York Times
Deeksha Dhawan, a student, in her Nano LX. Satisfied owners like Ms. Dhawan cite its fuel economy and roomy interior.
Though car sales have shot up across India, because of an economy that is growing at nearly 9 percent annually, sales of the Nano have been falling for the last four months. Its maker, Tata Motors, sold only 509 Nanos to its dealers in November — a stark contrast to the 9,000 it delivered in July. Last year, when media coverage and auto writers’ praise were stoking demand, Tata had orders for more than 200,000 Nanos, which has a list price starting at about $2,900.
But as Tata has struggled with problems like production delays and fires in some of the cars, rival cars like the Maruti Suzuki Alto have overtaken the Nano. The Alto, which starts at $6,200 here, had sales of more than 30,000 in November, making it India’s best-selling car last month.
On Thursday the Tata company announced that it would extend the warranty on the Nano, including those that have already been sold, to four years, from 18 months.
The Nano’s celebrated rollout had helped prompt other big automakers, like General Motors and Renault-Nissan, to announce plans for ultracheap people’s cars of their own for sale in India and other developing countries. Those would-be competitors are still expected to appear in the next two years.
But the Nano’s poor showing could give pause to corporate executives and policy makers, eager to see goods and services sold to people of modest means.
Analysts say the Nano situation demonstrates it may not be sufficient to make cheaper, smaller versions of existing products to win over that broad base of customers. Companies, they say, must also make sure the products are widely available and are seen as safe, useful and alluring.
“The bottom of the pyramid continues to be where the action is,” said Hormazd Sorabjee, editor of Autocar India, a magazine. “But the aspirations of people are moving up. People want to jump into something more substantial.”
That seems evident from the booming car market in India, where total sales climbed more than 22 percent, to nearly 203,000 in November. The most popular cars here are small, fuel-efficient hatchbacks that sell for $10,000 or less. Maruti Suzuki, a division of the Japanese auto maker Suzuki, now sells nearly half of all cars here.
Tata Motors, which is part of India’s biggest business conglomerate, the Tata Group, ranks third behind Hyundai of South Korea, whose top seller is the i10, a small car that starts at $7,800.
Tata, which started as a locomotive and truck maker, has gradually built market share in the car business over the last 20 years on the strength of modestly priced cars and sport utility vehicles. The Nano was Tata’s big bid to shake up the car market in India and then go global — first in other developing countries and then, if all went as planned, Europe and possibly even the United States.
The idea had been to sell the same Indian version of the Nano in other developing markets, but offer a more powerful and costlier version in developed countries. The Indian model is a four-door car that can seat up to five people; its air-cooled engine is in the back, like the original Volkswagen Beetle.
The Nano was the brainchild of Ratan Tata, the chairman of the Tata Group, who told his engineers to build a car that would sell for 100,000 rupees ($2,200) to people who would otherwise be making do with motorcycles and scooters. It is common to see Indian families of four riding on motorcycles with the father upfront, the mother sitting sidesaddle with a baby in her arms and a child sandwiched between them.
But the Nano has been troubled almost from its inception. The company’s production plans were thrown off kilter in 2008 when farmers, led by regional politicians, protested that the state of West Bengal had forcibly acquired land at low prices for a factory where the Nano and its parts would be made. Tata had to relocate the factory to another state, Gujarat — causing it to take more than a year and a half to fill orders for the first 100,000 cars.
More recently, the Nano has been hurt by reports of fires in a handful of cars. In one widely publicized instance, a family was taking its new Nano home from a dealership in Mumbai when smoke started billowing from the back of the car. Soon, the entire car was engulfed in flames. There were no injuries — other than to the Nano’s image.
Tata Motors has steadfastly denied that there was anything wrong with the car’s design or its parts. It has said that fires were caused by “foreign electrical equipment” found on top of the exhaust system. It has offered to retrofit Nanos with extra safety features and has taken pains to say that its offer does not amount to a recall.
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(Page 2 of 2)
But analysts, customers and others have found those explanations and the company’s offer wanting. What were these foreign objects? What is the function of the new safety features, and why weren’t they part of the car in the first place?
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“The company has just mishandled the whole thing,” said Darius Lam, an analyst at J.D. Power & Associates. “First, the company said it was no big deal. Then, it was just some foreign objects.” Mr. Lam added that it was still not clear what had caused the fires and whether the problem had been fully addressed.
In a written response to questions, the company said that it had thoroughly investigated the fires and found that the car was safe, but that it had decided to improve the exhaust and electrical systems to reassure customers.
A spokesman says sales of the Nano are now back on the rise, as the company makes cars available for immediate purchase in more sites around the country, rather than taking only orders. The company has also started displaying the car and offering test drives through new small showrooms in smaller cities to reach people who may not be comfortable walking into conventional car dealerships.
“As we began open sales, our learning was that, even though the Tata Nano is affordable for thousands of customers who do not own a car, it is still a significant decision to enter the four-wheeler category,” Debasis Ray, a company spokesman said in a written statement for this article.
Recently, the company began running advertisements for the car that stress its power and durability. One newspaper ad, for instance, features an owner who says he took his car to the Himalayas, climbing steep slopes with ease.
Some Nano owners — there are now more than 71,000 — praise the car’s performance, its fuel efficiency (41 miles or more to the gallon) and its surprisingly spacious interior.
“I have really enjoyed driving the car,” said Deeksha Dhawan, a 21-year-old architecture student whose father bought the top-end Nano, which she has decorated with stickers of Mickey Mouse, for about $5,500. The family’s primary car is a WagonR, a bigger hatchback made by Maruti Suzuki, which starts at $7,400.
But many small-car buyers said that they preferred the Alto, which has a bigger engine, more storage space and a longer track record than the Nano. Jatin Layazawala, a Mumbai businessman, recently bought an Alto after considering a fully equipped Nano, which he said would have cost only $800 less.
Mr. Layazawala said he had driven a friend’s Nano. “I was happy, but then I said I was looking for a car that would be sturdy for long drives,” he said. “I think it’s a dinky car.”
Despite the Nano’s rough road so far, analysts say that Tata Motors, which also owns Jaguar and Land Rover, has the financial and technical resources to turn the situation around. But first, they say, Tata has to more clearly answer questions about the car’s safety. And then it has to come up with a better marketing and sales strategy.
“The sales numbers don’t really reflect what will be the long term potential for it,” said Mr. Sorabjee of Autocar. “It’s early days.”
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February 1st, 2008 at 5:02 am
I wanted to leave a comment about so-called Environmental History. I reject the term Environmental History as too limiting.
What we really need is:
Critical Environmental Studies
It is a disservice to knowledge production on Environment(s) to privilege History as a sole or primary conduit for such knowledge production. History focuses on the past usually without reference to the present, is always a Master narrative, bringing a dominant (vs. suppressed, oppressed) and elite(vs. mass or populist or public) perspective, in this case, to the study of environment(s). The study of Environment(s) must necessarily deploy knowledge and methodology across natural and social disciplines and include accompanying methodologies and technologies.
,
This approach might promote a CRITICAL approach to the study of Environment.
I became intensely aware of the need for Critical Environmental Studies that does not privilege any discipline or field of inquiry over any other, during my recent (January 2008) Conference presentations in India, where the issues of environment and human geography are of paramount importance, but are being given scant attention. Mainly this is because of the dominant elite caste mindset used by historians. In the U.S. the white male view of history is pervasive and all other histories — Native American History, Black History, Womyn’s Herstory, Gay and Lesbian histories are alternative, underground versions of oppressed peoples’ histories, challenging the dominant default mode of historical narrative.
I think we should be very mindful of these implications and work together to construct Critical Environmental Studies.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York