I investigate the ETHICAL dimensions of Democracy. My Blog emphasizes colonial (mainly Brit), postcolonial (mainly India, South~South) and neo-imperial(mainly US) arrangements in contemporary and historical perspective. www.facebook.com/chithra.karunakaran www.disqus.com/EthicalDemocracy @EthicalDemocrac http://southasianidea.com EthicalDemocracy
Thursday, September 25, 2008
The More Things Change......
The More Things Change.........
Did I read too fast and miss the corollary? More of the same. As much ( or as little?) change from the academy as from other components of the entrenched U.S. system.
Change — part of the vocabulary of commodified discourses in late capitalism in its bailout phase?
Still, the enduring optimism that change can occur through our own efforts sustains many of us.
Chithra KarunaKaran City University of New Yorkhttp://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Chithra KarunaKaran, City University of New York, at 11:50 am EDT on September 25, 2008
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Hopefulness?
Great article. I wonder, though, if the disproportionate language used to describe change in higher education is generated less by a desire for change (i.e. a hopefulness), than a recognition that change is being demanded, and that in the absence of real change, the language of change will have to do. Colleges and universities in many developed countries are being asked by governments, taxpayers, and think-tanks to change how they conduct themselves. In the U.S., for example, the Spellings Commission made ‘threatening noises’ about increased scrutiny and transparency requirements for post-secondary. In this climate, it’s not wise to appear to be sitting on your hands. Just like the politicians Rafael Heller cites in his article, higher education’s rhetoric of change may be more tactical than visionary.
Keith Hampson, Director, at 10:45 am EDT on September 25, 2008
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Sept. 25
Don’t Go Changing
By Rafael Heller
Barack Obama’s campaign slogan, “Change we can believe in,” will never be mistaken for a classic of the genre. It has none of the poetry of “morning again in America,” the precision of “a chicken in every pot,” or the back-slapping bonhomie of “I like Ike.”
Nevertheless, Obama has succeeded in placing “change” at the rhetorical center of this year’s presidential contest. In just the last few weeks alone, he introduced his new and improved tagline, “the change you need,” John McCain countered with “change you can trust,” Joe Biden scoffed, “That’s not change, that’s more of the same,” and Sarah Palin hit back at “candidates who use change to promote their careers,” as opposed to “those, like John McCain, who use their careers to promote change.”
Of course, sophisticated pundits and politicos would never let themselves be snookered by this sort of rhetorical gamesmanship. They’ve called out Obama on his messaging numerous times, dating to the Iowa caucuses when, for example, the editors at USA Today asked, “As the candidate of ‘change,’ what changes does he want? Could he deliver them?” Obama “seems to have hypnotized much of the media and the public” with nothing more than the “vague promise of ‘change,’” complained the Washington Post’s Robert Samuelson. And even John McCain — who was against such tactics before he was for them — rebuked Obama for making “an eloquent but empty call for change.”
Higher education, on the other hand, seems very much to enjoy snookering itself. Academic reformers have been making lofty appeals to change (and its souped-up partner, “transformation”) for years now, rarely stopping to ask what, if anything, such terms mean or whether anybody could deliver on them.
A quick search of scholarly publications turns up literally hundreds of titles such as “10 bellwether principles for transforming American higher education,” “Organizing adjuncts to change higher education,” “Transformation of the community colleges for the 21st century,” “Virtual transformation: Web-based technology and pedagogical change,” “Transformation of higher education: The transdisciplinary approach in engineering,” and “Transforming library and higher education support services.”
Appearing in the pages of the Journal of Transformative Education are pieces such as “Mentoring for transformative learning” and “Transformative higher education: A meaningful degree of understanding.” Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning chimes in with “Teaching and learning in the service of transformation” and “Creating change in engineering education.” Fordham University Press just released Class Degrees: Smart Work, Managed Identities, and the Transformation of Higher Education, Routledge offers Strategic Leadership of Change in Higher Education, Jossey-Bass presents Latino Change Agents in Higher Education and even TIAA/CREF, the retirement planning giant, has gotten into the act, with Transformational Change in Higher Education.
Recent events have included the National Conference on Civic Engagement: Creating Agents for Change, the Annual Conference on Teaching for Transformation, Vision 2020: Digital Ubiquity & University Transformation and the 18th annual Teaching for a Change conference. The state of New Mexico hosted Changing for Learning’s Sake: A Focus on Assessment and Retention, Wisconsin Women in Higher Education Leadership sponsored Women Moving Forward: Navigating Change, the Council on Independent Colleges offered workshops on the Transformation of the College Library and the U.S. Department of Education held an event that it billed as a “National Higher Education Transformation Summit.”
Meanwhile, it’s business as usual at the University of Michigan’s Work Group on Organizational Change and Transformation in Higher Education, the University of Maryland’s project on Change and Sustainability in Higher Education and the independent National Center for Academic Transformation. The American Council of Education’s Project on Leadership and Institutional Transformation finished up its work a few years ago, taking with it ACE’s series of occasional papers titled On Change. However, for academics still needing a fix, the Canadian Commission for UNESCO continues to host discussions of “Working Together to Transform Higher Education,” the report of the 2003 World Conference on Higher Education.
So what’s wrong with all of this change-mongering?
To be fair, much of it perfectly harmless. People have to find something to name their articles, conferences, and institutes, and if nothing clever comes to mind, then “transformation” makes for a convenient rallying cry. As Barack Obama knows (and let’s not forget Walter Mondale, who went with “America needs a change” for his 1984 campaign slogan, and Jimmy Carter, who had a somewhat more successful 1976 run with “A leader, for a change”), change sounds like a pretty good thing to pursue. It captures people’s attention, makes them feel hopeful, and probably helps draw them to workshops and conferences.
The problem isn’t that academic reformers try to put a positive spin on their work. Rather, the problem is that they’re not very good at it, whether as producers or consumers of rhetoric.
As producers, they’re simply unimaginative. Again and again, they dip into the very same rhetorical well, as if there were no means by which to inspire audiences but to speak of transformation, and no way to stir people to action but to warn them that they live in a time of great change (as though that couldn’t be said of every decade since the Mesozoic era), one that compels a response.
And as consumers of this sort of rhetoric, academics are far too easy to please. Journalists and politicians pride themselves on their ability to dissect the candidates’ slogans and bumper stickers. But college professors and provosts seem all too happy to take such language at face value, smiling sweetly at the latest call for transformation.
Perhaps the appeal of such promises stands in inverse relationship to their likelihood of being fulfilled. As numerous historians of higher education have documented, for all the bold words and big plans of academic reformers, the “basic grammar” of higher education — the familiar ways in which faculty teach, students learn, departments function, administrators govern, and so on — has proven to be extremely durable, evolving little over the past century. It could be that reformers go easy on the vaguest of slogans precisely because they know how difficult it is to achieve the concrete goals toward which they work so hard, such as to get students to drink less and study more, to create tenure systems that reward excellent teaching, to graduate much larger numbers of low-income students, to devise a truly coherent undergraduate curriculum, and so on. Maybe academic reformers talk so often about transformation precisely because they see so little of it and they need the occasional dose of hopefulness.
Some such hopeful “audacity,” as Obama would put it, may be necessary, inspiring faculty and administrators to press on with the painfully slow and necessarily incremental march of academic reform. But too much of it can ruin their sense of direction, leading them to believe that “change” is actually a meaningful objective, and leading them to mistake every new curricular policy or departmental initiative for a dramatic transformation.
Those of us who care about higher education certainly wouldn’t want to forego the audacious optimism that sustains us, but it may be time to ditch, or at least tone down, the empty calls for change.
Rafael Heller is an independent consultant and education writer in Washington.
Saturday, September 20, 2008
Tata Nano & Ethical Democracy: How The Consuming Classes Impede Equitable Development
http://myfinancetimes.com/2008/09/13/tata-nano-singur-story-revisited/
September 19th, 2008 at 3:29 pm
Isn’t this Singur Tata Nano discussion ass backwards? Most of the readers appear to have unexamined bourgeois positions on this issue.
Yeah, the neoliberal Indian middle class in which they have membership is the worst enemy of equitable democratic development.
Let me suggest some
Alternative Questions:
Q. Why are farmers being displaced? Isn’t agriculture of PRIMARY importance in a developing country? Should manufacture be undertaken at the expense of agriculture? What about dispossessed farmers, especially when they fall prey to unscrupulous politicians, whether Left, Trinamool or Congress? What about FARMERS RIGHTS and FOOD SECURITY for our people? Does India have one of the world's highest rates of malnutrition among young children and women? Are India's farmers being pampered with fancy subsidies like the one Tata was offered in Uttarkhand and Himachal Pradesh and West Bengal or are they committing suicide because they cannot pay back usurious bank loans and lack a safety net?
Q. Why is Tata manufacturing a CAR when the urgent national priority is PUBLIC MASS TRANSIT — buses, trains etc. ? Do we really need yet another private vehicle on already crowded city streets? Since Tata already has manufacturing expertise in buses etc, that is what it should be manufacturing in the first place.
Shouldn’t the Left Govt. insist that Tata manufacture MASS PUBLIC TRANSIT vehicles at Singur or elsewhere to promote the Greater Collective Good?
Q. Why should national priorities be secondary to the consuming needs of the urban middle class? Why should national development priorities be secondary to the GREED of multinational capitalists?
Think about it.
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York
See The Rise of the Car Nazis: Ratan and the Tata Wannabes
See reader comments at:
http://myfinancetimes.com/2008/09/13/tata-nano-singur-story-revisited/
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Article from "The Hindu"
How Tatas chose Singur as base for Nano plans
Our Bureau
Chennai, Sept. 12 A comprehensive package of incentives — subsidy on land, concessional power, a soft loan and tax paybacks — to match the benefits that Tata Motors would have got in Uttarakhand or Himachal Pradesh, was what got it to choose Singur in West Bengal for making its low-cost car Nano.
The agreement between Tata Motors, West Bengal Government and the State industrial promotion agency — West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation — available on the corporation’s Web site, provides details of the incentives offered.
The Government has said that it approached Tata Motors to persuade it to locate an automobile project in the State, including the project to make the small car. Tata Motors showed interest in locating the plant in West Bengal, provided the State offered fiscal incentives equivalent to the value of total incentives it would have received by locating the plant in Uttarakhand or Himachal Pradesh.
According to the agreement, the West Bengal Government will provide Tata Motors a loan of Rs 200 crore at 1 per cent interest, repayable in five equal annual instalments starting from the 21st year from the date of disbursement of the loan. This loan will be disbursed within 60 days of signing this agreement (The company signed an agreement with the Government on March 9, 2007 for the land at Singur).
Electricity clause
The Government will provide electricity for the project at Rs 3 a kWh. In case the tariff is increased by more than 25 paise a unit in every block of five years, the Government will provide relief through additional compensation to neutralise the increase.
The West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation (WBIDC) will provide 645.67 acres of land to Tata Motors on a 90-year lease, on an annual lease rental of Rs 1 crore a year for the first five years, with a 25 per cent increase after every five years till 30 years.
After 30 years, the lease rental will be fixed at Rs 5 crore a year, with a 30 per cent increase after every 10 years till the 60th year. After this, the lease rental will be fixed at Rs 20 crore a year, which will remain unchanged till the 90th year. After the 90-year lease period, the lease terms will be fixed on mutually-agreed terms.
The agreement says that WBIDC will provide an industrial promotion assistance in the form of a loan at 0.1 per cent per annum for amounts equal to gross value-added tax and Central Sales Tax received by the State Government in each of the previous years ended March 31, on the sale of the small car from the date the sales begin.
This benefit, says the agreement, will continue till the balance amount of the Uttarakhand benefit (after deducting the amount from the land lease rental and the soft loan) is reached on net present value basis, after which it will be discontinued.
Loan repayment
The loan with interest will be repayable in annual instalments starting from the 31st year of commencement of sale from the plant. The loan availed of in the first year will be repaid in the 31st year and so on.
WBIDC will ensure that this loan is paid within 60 days of the close of the previous year, failing which the corporation will be liable to compensate Tata Motors for the financial inconvenience caused at the rate of 1.5 times the bank rate prevailing at the time on the amount due for the period of delay.
Tata Motors and the West Bengal Government will make best efforts to maximise sale of products from the small car plant, the agreement says.
As far as the land for the vendors is concerned, about 290 acres will be leased to the vendors on payment of premium equal to the actual cost of acquisition plus incidentals, to be calculated on the basis of the total acquisition cost and other incidental expenses incurred by WBIDC or any of its subsidiaries, averaged over the total land acquired.
Lease rental
The vendors will have to pay a lease rental of Rs 8,000 an acre for the first 45 years and Rs 16,000 an acre for the next 45 years. The initial lease tenure will be 90 years, after which it will be fixed on mutually agreed upon terms.
Tata Motors will invest about Rs 1,500 crore at Singur with the vendors bringing in another Rs 500 crore. The plant was to have a capacity of 2.5 lakh units a year on a two-shift basis, going up to 3.5 lakh units on three shifts. In addition, it would have vendors and act as a mother plant for many aggregates to the tune of five lakh cars a year.
Tata Motors, which unveiled the Nano at the auto expo in New Delhi in January 2008, suspended work at Singur on September citing the hostile environment at the site and said it was drawing up detailed plans to relocate the plant and machinery. The company was to roll out the Nano in the quarter beginning October.
Related Stories:
Singur: Differences over amount of land to be returned to ‘unwilling’ farmers
Tata Motors gearing up to pull out from Singur
Thursday, September 11, 2008
U.S. Raids inside Pakistan an Affront to Sovereignty of Nation-States
September 11th, 2008 9:21 am
Raids (actually acts of terror by the U.S.) inside sovereign states is abysmally shortsighted U.S. foreign policy. This horrific search and destroy non-strategy is supported by a majority of the American electorate, as numerous polls have shown. The American PUBLIC is largely accountable.
In their we-are-the-greatest-nation-on-earth, shop-until-we-drop stupor, despite record high joblessness, homelessness,lack of universal healthcare and a plummeting economy, the majority of American voters apparently thinks that a 'strong' America means a threatening America, a 'strong' America means an invading, occupying America.
The U.S. PUBLIC which historically has favored short-sighted military adventurism by their government, whether Republican (the Bushes) or Democrat (Kennedy, Johnson), got the government they deserve when they elected George Bush twice. The U.S. public, AND a poll-driven Congress, supported Bush's invasion and occupation of a sovereign nation state, Iraq.
This is the same U.S. public and their leaders, McCain/Palin, as well as Obama/Biden, that now predictably supports raids against so-called "terrorists", inside a sovereign nation-state, Pakistan, and kills large numbers of women, men and children, all innocent civilians, in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan.
When will they ever learn? Is it possible that a public with various civic freedoms can undermine their own democracy and endanger the prospect of democracy in other sovereign nation-states? The frightening spectacle of U.S. democracy offers sobering lessons for other nation-states and their publics as they chart a democratic course.
The US has absolutely NO business being inside Iraq, Afghanistan or Pakistan.
The mere fact of U.S. military presence within these sovereign states, nation states in which the U.S. has dangerously meddled for decades, triggers adverse and sometimes violent reaction. The US has repeatedly demonstrated that it has no respect for the sovereignty of nation-states. The chest-thumping of American triumphalism and exceptionalism is continuing to challenge an emerging and fragile multipolarity in much of the rest of the world.
What the US govt. can continue to do is use its own intelligence and international intelligence resources to strengthen its OWN borders against incursions. This it has done admirably since 9/11. This is the way to go. This is the way to keep going.
Raids inside sovereign states produce more and more "terrorists", as the evidence already shows.
Chithra KarunaKaran
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
— EthicalDemocracy, http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Sunday, September 7, 2008
"Cheap" car is cheap for the environment? The case of the Tata NanC
What India needs is more investment in BOTH agriculture and in public mass transit. Not private car ownership and manufacture.
Tata, the West Bengal Left Govt, the neo-liberal Central Govt and the opportunist Trinamool have collectively managed to defeat both of the abovementioned urgent national priorities for a so-called "cheap" car.
Cheap for the Environment? Cheap for Farmers? Yeah right.
http://www.Ethicaldemocracy.blogspot.com
See:
The Rise of the Car Nazis: Ratan and the Tata Wannabes
September 7, 2008 1:07 PM
Thursday, August 28, 2008
Kai Koolie Culture Imperils Civic Society Engagement
Everyone in India, Chennaiites included, knows, usually from direct, first-hand personal experience, that political, municipal and administrative corruption continues and is on the rise at every level of civil society. In this article I focus on what I am calling Kai Coolie Culture in the City of Chennai.
Although born in Chennai and increasingly appreciative of my birthplace, I had never spent time there until I began visiting regularly from my home and family in New York City and residing for a few months every year, in this booming, bustling, diverse metropolis. I have become impressed with Tamil culture and struggled to learn to speak street Tamil, which I find more vibrant and interesting than the more formal Tamil prose affected by news broadcasters and politicians with captive vote-banks. While In Chennai, I ride the public buses every day (I don’t own a car either in India or the U.S. and don’t plan to) during every extended visit, to every corner of the city. I continue to be particularly impressed with the civility and courtesy of ordinary people in Chennai, during my everyday activities here. I attribute this courtesy and civility, partly to the centuries-long civilizational discourse among Tamils, embodied in the Thirukkural and other works with which I am endeavoring to become familiar.
Thirukkural Culture or Kai Koolie Culture? So at this particular juncture in my continuing love affair with Chennai, my question is What do Chennaiites want -- Thirukural culture or Kai Koolie culture? This is a choice that is necessary to make, now, if we are to resume the Thirukural style of civilizational discourse, or if we choose to succumb to a thoroughly contemporary and noxious form of civic engagement - - Kai Koolie culture -- that imperils the development of healthy civic institutions in our unprecedented democracy. What civic path will Chennaiites choose?
The Personal is Political: The personal is political and vice versa, in my book. I grew up listening to stories about a Tahsildar great grandfather who became legendary under British rule for rejecting bribes and still accomplishing civic progress and prosperity within his jurisdiction in an area of Malabar. I grew up with an example of a father who became Director General of the Geological Survey of India and Founder Director of the Centre for Earth Science Studies (an Annual Lecture memorializes his professionalism and commitment), who led an inter-departmental scientific expedition to the Great Nicobar Islands, under Indira Gandhi’s Prime Ministership, and whose abiding passion for Earth System sciences had made him a visionary administrator of impeccable integrity.
Therefore, following my great grandfather’s and father’s example literally, during my recent visits to Chennai in the past eight years, I have stoutly resisted every attempt by Chennai municipal officials to extract payments for services which the government already pays them to do. During my recent visits to a sub-Registrar’s office and a Tahsildar’s office I openly declared “ I am not going to give Kai Koolie to anyone here, so I better get my forms and papers approved, pronto!” Perhaps there was a touch of New York chutzpah in these declarations. I sat in those offices for several days with no appreciable result. On one occasion a Revenue Officer and an Assistant Revenue officer attached to a local Tahsildar’s office visited me at my home, ostensibly to verify my documentation for a legal heirship certificate. I offered them a choice of mango juice or water, both of which the Revenue Officer refused. When I returned to the Tahsildar’s Office, the following week for yet another exasperating visit to ascertain the status of my heirship certificate request, I was asked by an official in that office “When the Revenue officer came to your home, you gave him juice?” Apparently, something more than a fruit beverage was expected.
On that same visit, when the sentry outside the Tahsildar’s office stepped away briefly, I strode into the Tahsildar’s office and explained my predicament. I finally obtained the certificate. While sitting in the Tahsildar’s office I timed the number of minutes (I am after all a postcolonial sociologist by profession), that the Tahsildar, an otherwise charming man, spent during a 45 minute segment on phone calls related to his job description (if it exists) responsibilities and the number of minutes spent off-task. Out of a 45 minute segment, this Tahsildar used his personal cellphone ( not his official phone) to make calls totaling 35 minutes, not counting conversations with functionaries he summoned into his office, in order to set up “a function for the CM.” If a local municipal official is engaged in personally lucrative political pandering instead of attending daily to the civic needs of residents in his taluk, how can s/he be efficient in redressing their grievances and furthering their civic participation? How can ordinary persons develop confidence that their requests for services and need of facilities and amenities will be respectfully considered and fairly implemented?
Kai Coolie Culture Negatively Impacts the Poor: The poor, the dispossessed and the disempowered are particularly vulnerable to Kai Koolie inducements, as I observed in my numerous visits to such offices. In any municipal office one can observe long straggly lines of poor people who are seek redressal of some grievance in regard to food, shelter, education or employment. Of course, the absolute poor, the disabled, the diseased cannot even recourse to such offices or hope to be helped by them.
Middle Class Collusion in Kai Coolie Culture: Members of the middle class often complain about having to give bribes to municipal officials and the police to “get something done.” They take the moral high ground against bribery but in practice, participate and in fact drive the culture of bribery. Kai Koolie culture, in which the middle class plays an increasingly collusional, cynical and apathetic role based entirely on short-term self-interest grounded in heavily subsidized privileges and entitlements, is a danger to the development of our civil society. Bribegivers are no less culpable than bribetakers.
A rejection of Kai Koolie norms and practices is desperately needed. A revitalization of Thirukkural culture and its practical application in civic life is imperative.
Friday, May 9, 2008
Signed Editorials -- Hillary's Race
ALL NYTimes editorials should be signed.
When a Times editorial anonymously advises Clinton to drop out of the race, because of her alleged use of racial code words we should know who on the Times is advocating this position. Since the topic is Race why should the racial membership of this particular Times editorial writer be concealed?
Or is this Times writer claiming to be immune to racial signifiers? I know I'm not immune and I know from experience that I am usually at the receiving end of racial signifiers in my everyday personal and professional life in racialized US society.
See, my name and affiliation(s) are clearly indicated in my post.
Transparency and the free flow of information are vital ingredients of media and civil society discourses in democracy.
The world knows that U.S. democracy has taken a severe beating in the Bush years. The Times is not immune from such pressures because it is a part of US society. So be open and transparent when you advocate any position. WE know what Hillary said. But we don't know who on the Times said what they said in this column.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
— EthicalDemocracy, http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
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see NYTimes Editorial below on Clinton and Race
Sen. Clinton and the Campaign
There is a lot of talk that Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton is now fated to lose the Democratic nomination and should pull out of the race. We believe it is her right to stay in the fight and challenge Senator Barack Obama as long as she has the desire and the means to do so. That is the essence of the democratic process.
But we believe just as strongly that Mrs. Clinton will be making a terrible mistake — for herself, her party and for the nation — if she continues to press her candidacy through negative campaigning with disturbing racial undertones. We believe it would also be a terrible mistake if she launches a fight over the disqualified delegations from Florida and Michigan.
The United States needs a clean break from eight catastrophic years of George W. Bush. And so far, Senator John McCain is shaping up as Bush the Sequel — neverending war in Iraq, tax cuts for the rich while the middle class struggles, courts packed with right-wing activists intent on undoing decades of progress in civil rights, civil liberties and other vital areas.
The Democratic Party must field the most effective and vibrant candidate it possibly can. More attack ads and squabbling will not help achieve that goal. If Mr. Obama wins, he will be that much more battered and the party will be harder to unite. Win or lose, Mrs. Clinton’s reputation will suffer more harm than it already has.
She owes more to millions of Americans who have voted for her (and particularly to New Yorkers, who are entitled to expect that if she loses, she will return to the Senate with her influence and integrity intact).
In addition to abandoning the attack ads, Mrs. Clinton must drop her plans to fight to seat the delegations from Florida and Michigan, which defied the Democratic Party and moved up the dates of their primaries. A lot of people voted in Florida anyway, but Mrs. Clinton should not pursue this nuclear option. It would make the Democrats look unable to control their own, just when they want to make a case that they can lead the entire nation.
Both candidates have been vowing in the last two days to unite the party, and Mr. Obama could do more to rein in his anonymous campaign aides and other supporters who spend their days trashing Mrs. Clinton.
The undeclared superdelegates should stop their coy posing. With few exceptions, there is no reason left (other than the hope of making back-room deals) for those whose states have voted to keep their positions private. The rest should state their allegiance as soon as their primaries are held in the next few weeks.
There is a lot that Senators Clinton and Obama need to be talking about in coming weeks, starting with how they will extract the country from President Bush’s disastrous Iraq war. A robust debate about health care and the mortgage crisis would remind all American voters of what is at stake in this year’s election. It would also prepare whoever wins the nomination to be a better debater and campaigner in the fall.
We endorsed Mrs. Clinton, and we know that she has a major contribution to make. But instead of discussing her strong ideas, Mrs. Clinton claimed in an interview with USA Today that she would be the better nominee because a recent poll showed that “Senator Obama’s support among working, hard-working Americans, white Americans, is weakening again.” She added: “There’s a pattern emerging here.”
Yes, there is a pattern — a familiar and unpleasant one. It is up to Mrs. Clinton to change it if she hopes to have any shot at winning the nomination or preserving her integrity and her influence if she loses.
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Tuesday, April 29, 2008
The Pursuit of Inequity & the Rhetoric of Liberty
http://www.insidehighered.com/views/2008/04/29/gilbertson
See my comment:
The U.S. dual public and private university systems must be contextualized and located within the US nation-state and its central ideological precept of "free" market fundamentalism, which thrives on inequality and inequity.
Let’s ask the tough questions and help shape the answers to those very questions in the public sphere, not only in safe classrooms behind ivied walls which replicate the power structure and worldview of the predatory, expansionist, inequitable U.S. nation-state.
City University of New York
Inside Higher Ed online article
The Pursuit of Efficiency and the Pursuit of Folly
Thursday, March 20, 2008
Get the UN out of the US
Why not in one or more of the world's poorest nations?
The fatcat bureaucrats might possibly leave the U.N.in droves if they find they have to work in conditions where there is a lack of basic amenities. Only the most dedicated civil servants will be left, minus the bureaucratic bloat that the UN is encumbered with.
These poorest member-nations may lack infrastructure and facilities and services, but isn't it part of the UN's responsibility to develop these with funds from its member nations, World Bank, IMF etc?
So let the UN locate itself where it is most needed, not the US where it not needed at all, except to be manipulated by the US for its own self-serving, predatory, expansionist interests.
The US exercises undue influence upon the UN because it is located in this country. In addition many UN civil servants apply to live in the US after their period of service, so they are careful not to say or do anything that might upset the self-described superpower and jeopardize their chances of residency in the US.
Get the UN out of the US. The LDCs may well fare a whole lot better if the UN is moved out of here and into DRC, Sierra Leone or Chad.
Chithra KarunaKaran
http://www.ethicaldemocracy.blogspot.com
see NYTimes
http://cityroom.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/03/06/developer-wants-un-for-his-proposed-tower/
#comment-239669
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see earlier article May 12, 2003, picked up by Media Monitors Network
The In-Security Council: Dump it or Grow it? By Chithra KarunaKaran
The In-Security Council - Dump It or Grow It?
By Chithra KarunaKaran
Media Monitors NetworkMay 12, 2003
A core principle of the United Nations Charter is One Member One Vote. This is not an explicit statement within the Charter. Significantly, the Charter goes even further. The Charter states that the UN was established to secure "the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small." It places the rights of men and women before the rights of states. That’s you and me and six billion-plus others. The rights of individuals are co-equal with and precede the rights of states. What a glorious (and yet to be realized) ideal. But it will not happen unless We the People do something about the UN Security Council. The question is -- What? Dump it, scrap it, change it or grow it?
As events have shown, the Security Council has become dangerously obsolete, representing the whim, greed and political fundamentalism of one hyper-power.
On March 10, at a press conference at UN headquarters, a million-plus petitions signed by people from all over the world were presented to the Security Council. The petitions had been generated through a massive online campaign by anti-war groups, protesting the US govt.’s decision to go to war against the people of Iraq. What did the UN do? Not a peep about it from Kofi Annan, not even in his generally timid "off the cuff" statements featured daily on the UN website. No prior announcement about the event was made by the UN Secretariat, though they were aware that the petitions would be delivered in 12 boxes to Security Council members. It was as if the event never occurred. So, is the UN Charter just a piece of paper to be stored on a musty shelf, or is it supposed to safeguard the "rights of men and women and of nations, large and small" to discursive, negotiated settlement of disputes? Talk is cheap, cheaper than war.
Unequal Membership
All member states of the 191-member body are stated to be equal. Each member state supposedly has one vote and one vote only. The Security operates on the non-principle of One Member Two Votes. The stated principle of equality of membership is breached and flouted by the structure, processes and exclusive (not to mention, exclusionary) membership of the United Nations Security Council. The UN Security Council is the only UN body that has permanent members (Article 23). All other UN bodies have general or rotating memberships.
The Security Council is the only body that can "adopt its own rules of procedure," (Article 30) unfettered by The UN General Assembly. Under the United Nations Charter, therefore, inequality of membership is guaranteed, implemented and enforced by the Security Council. In Orwellian terms, all member states are equal but some member states are more equal than others. But, hey, it’s not 1984 anymore, it’s 2003. Time for a change? Time for a change that will guarantee the equality of all member states. While the media and the policy wonks in the dominant states are concerned about the lack of unity at this time in the Security Council, others are questioning whether the Security Council should be taken apart and retired. Are We the People more secure because of the Security Council? Or have we become more insecure, because of the Security Council?
Postcolonial Membership Structure
So the question du jour that subservient member-states (and that includes every member who is not permanently on the Security Council) should be asking is Should the United Nations Security Council be dismantled and repaired? Or scrapped and dumped? Subservient member states include large global players like India; small island states and previous colonial dependencies such as Mauritius; AIDS-ravaged new democracies like South Africa; poor landlocked states dependent on the goodwill of their neighbors like Nepal; or dominated regions with little hope of religious freedom, right of return of its tens of thousands of refugees and sovereignty, like Tibet.
India is the world’s largest democracy. It is a democracy that has struggled out of colonialism and painful subservience to colonial interests. Therefore it has a perspective that is diametrically opposite to that of the colonizing and neo-imperial powers. Perhaps India should not be seeking expansion of the Security Council, as it is doing now, so that it too can become a member. India’s membership, if it happens, will make Pakistan and other South Asian nations feel more insecure. That will not be a good thing. Building bonds between blood-related neighbors and historically enmeshed partners is more important than Security Council membership. Dismantling the Security Council is certain to strengthen the General Assembly. Maybe India, in the spirit of 21st century understanding of the paramount importance of human rights, post-capitalist democracy, freedom and equality of participation should not be seeking expansion of the Security Council but dissolution of the Security Council. Maybe it is almost time to dismantle the Security Council as a dangerously obsolete, ineffectual, humiliating emblem of nineteenth and twentieth century dominant power relations. Maybe India, Norway, Pakistan, Mauritius, Sweden, Iran, Brazil, Sri Lanka and historically diverse others can help move the UN into the 21st century with political equality of all member states, at every level of operation of the UN. Article 109 can be invoked to amend the UN Charter. However, all five permanent members of the Security Council would have to agree. Talk about double jeopardy "for the equal rights of men and women, and of nations large and small."
Members of the Security Council, (the only ones that really matter are the five permanent members), the Big Five, exercise more political and economic power than any other body within the United Nations. This cannot be claimed to be a natural outcome of the historical development of the Security Council, but the explicit intent of the original superpowers. Inequality of membership was the demand of the original framers of the United Nations Charter, all of them colonial powers and one emerging power of that time, the US. However, the US was a worthy candidate for dominant and exclusionary membership. The US had already practiced slavery for 100-plus years and was therefore well equipped to develop its capability to become a neo-imperial power, exerting dominance over new member states which included those from which it had previously drawn free labor. It is comfortable with sharing power with the colonizing powers, all white and all European. China’s later inclusion in 1949, (with India deferring its claim of membership to China), merely underlines the importance of size and potential economic power as a basis for strengthening the inequality of membership. Again, the fragmenting of the USSR and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989, has not knocked Russia out of contention for continued membership. The politics of dominance is therefore key to membership in the Security Council. Not equality of membership but dominance in membership.
Acquiescence to the non-principle of inequality of membership was demonstrated by those colonized member states including India who were founding co-signers of the United Nations Charter. The postcolonial states, recently independent in the 1940’s, 50’s and 60’s, accepted the non-principle of inequality of membership, carrying on the colonial tradition of political subservience to their previous masters, now sitting as permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.
To borrow from sociologists Max Weber and C. Wright Mills, the collusion of elites characterizes many bureaucratic institutions. In the case of the UN we have a collusion of male-dominant, wealthy national elites. A phallocracy, a bureaucracy and now increasingly a corporatocracy. And the UN Security Council represents the crème de la crème of the elites of each of the five permanent member states, joining in mutual recognition of their shared elite power, status and privilege.
The United Nations is of course a global, inter-govermental bureaucracy, with salient and classic features of hierarchical, top-down authority, bottom-up accountability, written rules, written communications and written records (most recently, Resolution 1441), continual expansion, division and departmentalization of tasks within agencies and committee structures. But the power equation is its most salient feature. The Security Council is in fact explicitly constituted to exercise unequal global power, status and privilege, through its Charter-guaranteed position at the apex of the UN bureaucracy. The Security Council is the elite of global elites. It is the problem not the solution. It compromises the UN General Assembly.
Are We Secure With The Security Council?
What has the Security Council accomplished? Has the Security Council accomplished security for the world at large? The Security Council has a sorry record of lack of accomplishment. It established the State of Israel in 1948, in violation of its own Preamble and unleashed seventy-five years of disenfranchisement of the indigenous Palestinian people. It presided over and literally authorized Palestinian disenfranchisement. The US continues to arm Israel and the Security Council can’t do a thing about it. The Security Council proved unable to overturn apartheid in South Africa. It failed to prevent the expulsion of Indians from Uganda by Idi Amin. It was unwilling to prevent Britain from going to war to claim the Falklands Islands. The UN Security Council was unable (unwilling?) to anticipate, prevent or intercede in the bloody ethnic strife between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda, and in the continuing genocide in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Indian Ocean island of Diego Garcia was emptied of its indigenous population, the Ilios, who were shunted off to neighboring Mauritius, so that the island could serve as a military base for joint use by the Britain and the US. Diego Garcia is currently serving the strategic interests of the US and the UK as a naval base for operations against states in the Middle East, Afghanistan and South Asia. And now the UN has failed to avert war by a hyper-dominant member state against the people of Iraq. In each of these instances, the individual and combined interests of the five member states outweighed the interests of the 191-strong UN community of member states. The universal and greater common good is not, and cannot be expected to be the prime consideration of a small elite of states holding dominant power in the Security Council. That power has become even more concentrated with the US becoming the dominant member of the UN Security Council, supported by the post-imperial politics of the erstwhile dominant world power, the UK. This blatant concentration of power to the exclusion of all others, makes the active pursuit of a universal and greater common good by the UN, and particularly the Security Council virtually impossible.
Apparently WE the People must change the UN and particularly its Security Council.
When will the Security Council act to guarantee the guarantee the "equal rights of men and men and of nations, large and small.?" Never? The UN appears too cumbersome, too compromised and too preoccupied with its own survival as a burgeoning bureaucracy to undertake its own reform on behalf of We the People. It will again be up to those million-plus petitioners, who swamped the UN with signatures asking the Security Council to act on behalf of a negotiated peace. Their request was futile this time. Better luck next time.
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Wednesday, March 19, 2008
The U.S. Whiteness System
Whiteness is a belief system of power, dominance and supremacism. It can be tweaked but it is here to stay. It is an absorptive, defining, comprehensive and overarching social reality in the U.S. nation state, from the racial classifications of every U.S. census and reaching deep into the family, the community, the barrio.
The Whiteness system awards unearned privilege to persons with white skin.
Some immigrant groups may BECOME white over a period of residence, and participation upward socio-economic and political mobility in the U.S., as the Irish and the Italians and Jews have done. The main point here is not that they ultimately became white but that the trajectory is always towards inclusion within the whiteness system. Inclusion in whiteness means access to unequal, non-egalitarian social capital/power.
It's no surprise that the current discussion on jury selection in a case involving a Black individual hinges on race, color and ethnicity.
All these identity categories focus on the NOT-white equation of the clients of color in the U.S. criminal justice system.
It is also not surprising that the "experts" including my academic colleagues quoted here are all white. Whites because they have membership in the supremacist Whiteness system get to define who is black or brown or yellow or red and how they are black or brown or yellow or red.
And so it goes in Systemic Whiteness, where to be of color is to be emphatically NOT white. It is a variation of that tried and tested imperialist divide and rule strategy, where whites are always the point of reference, where whites are at the top, whites are the norm, whites are the default category, and subjugated blacks (and of course browns, reds and yellows) can be sorted according to their actual or perceived differences. But no matter what their differences or similarities they are NOT White.
Whiteness rules. The US nation-state through a national narrative of genocide, slavery and neo-imperialism has perfected the Whiteness system. The Whiteness system prescribes white skin as a prerequisite but because it first and foremost a system, structure and ideology of Power, it includes ALL the prerogatives, perquisites and unearned entitlements that accompany white skin. That's Power. That's Whiteness.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York
Theory of Systemic Whiteness
http://www.ethicaldemocracy.blogspot.com
Tuesday, March 11, 2008
Immigrants of Color and the U.S. Whiteness System
All immigrants of COLOR, no matter what their national origin, no matter whether their motherlands were Honduras or Hong Kong or Haiti come up against a System, Structure and Ideology of Whiteness in the U.S.
White immigrants, even the most recent, in contrast find it easier to fit into this dominant supremacist racial system based on skin color. They become more readily absorbed into an existing System of Whiteness.
We immigrants of color as a consequence of this existing system become racialized, even though our ethnicity or national origin may be what is more important to us than our color when we arrive.
The U.S. nation-state including its criminal justice system which is under discussion here, operates on Systemic Whiteness. Genocide of indigenous peoples (all constructed as not-white, non-western, non-European, different) and slavery (appropriation of black bodies and black labor by whites) form the basis of a violent and supremacist U.S.history of capture, subjugation, dislocation, dispossession, invasion, occupation which continues into the present day.
Whiteness is a belief system of power, dominance and supremacism. It can be tweaked but it is here to stay. It is an absorptive, defining, comprehensive and overarching social reality in the U.S. nation state, from the racial classifications of every U.S. census and reaching deep into the family, the community, the barrio.
The Whiteness system awards unearned privilege to persons with white skin.
Some immigrant groups may BECOME white over a period of residence, and participation upward socio-economic and political mobility in the U.S., as the Irish and the Italians and Jews have done. The main point here is not that they ultimately became white but that the trajectory is always towards inclusion within the whiteness system. Inclusion in whiteness means access to unequal, non-egalitarian social capital/power.
It's no surprise that the current discussion on jury selection in a case involving a Black individual hinges on race, color and ethnicity.
All these identity categories focus on the NOT-white equation of the clients of color in the U.S. criminal justice system.
It is also not surprising that the "experts" including my academic colleagues quoted here are all white. Whites because they have membership in the supremacist Whiteness system get to define who is black or brown or yellow or red and how they are black or brown or yellow or red.
And so it goes in Systemic Whiteness, where to be of color is to be emphatically NOT white. It is a variation of that tried and tested imperialist divide and rule strategy, where whites are always the point of reference, where whites are at the top, whites are the norm, whites are the default category, and subjugated blacks (and of course browns, reds and yellows) can be sorted according to their actual or perceived differences. But no matter what their differences or similarities they are NOT White.
Whiteness rules. The US nation-state through a national narrative of genocide, slavery and neo-imperialism has perfected the Whiteness system. The Whiteness system prescribes white skin as a prerequisite but because it first and foremost a system, structure and ideology of Power, it includes ALL the prerogatives, perquisites and unearned entitlements that accompany white skin. That's Power. That's Whiteness.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York
Theory of Systemic Whiteness
http://www.ethicaldemocracy.blogspot.com
Friday, March 7, 2008
U.S. Civil Society & Presidential Election 2008
Is Samantha Power ex-Harvard President Lawrence Summers' twin from hell? She should resign just as Summers was finally forced to.
I voted for Obama. I think he delivers an authentic message. So does Hillary. Voters have the legal right to choose through the electoral process.
But Samantha Power discredits Obama's campaign and devalues the democratic process which the world's nation-states are desperately trying to develop, by abusing her First Amendment rights of free speech with her incendiary ad hominem attack against Hillary Clinton.
Power does not work for the Jerry Springer show does she? She is employed by Harvard and she owes responsibility and can be held accountable for her public statements.
Power is a self-appointed, Harvard-anointed arbiter of the "Practice of Global Leadership and Public Policy" at the Kennedy School of Government. She failed to be responsible to this prestigious and well-regarded institution and she has demonstrated she is not a global leader by any stretch of the imagination.
As a post-colonial sociologist and a civil society activist I would characterize Powers' gratuitous verbal violence against Hillary Clinton, as part of of the practice of Systemic Whiteness. In the U.S. nation-state, Whiteness is a System of Power in which Race is deployed to assert and maintain POWER.
By this Theory, Behaviors and Cognitive Constructs (Power's statement is an example of a cognitive construct) within a nation-state context can perhaps best be understood by framing and referencing those behaviors and cognitive constructs within the existing System, Structure and Ideology of that particular nation-state or region or political ecology/human geography entity.
Whites in particular exercise unearned skin privilege to damage democratic process for the Greater Collective Good (GCG) because they have an unfortunately long documented history and contemporary posture world-wide, of a profound misplaced sense of entitlement under a pervasive structure, system and ideology of Whiteness.
Because Whiteness is a 3-part structure of Power, any one of us, whether as individuals or constituted as a group, can be impacted and constrained, albeit unequally, by its overarching as well as embedded and entrenched characteristic of Power.
People cannot just abandon logically reasoned explanations (a definition of theory) when it suits them. Samantha Power fumbled badly. She exposed her lack of ethical authority in the matter of political debate as part of an election process. She abdicated her civil society responsibility.
Power should be held accountable and she should pay the price. Resign from the Obama campaign effort AND from Harvard's KSG.
But I guess being constructed as white, like her colleague on the right, Ann Coulter, with entrenched white skin privilege, she will not be held accountable. And even if she does resign she would still find another job in short order (like Don Imus?) because the SYSTEM of Whiteness favors her with unearned white skin privilege.
Jesse Jackson when he was running for President, was made to pay the price when he made his comment about
Hymietown. But Samantha Power will probably go "scot" free. (see her interview with The Scotsman)
http://www.ethicaldemocracy.blogspot.com
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaranCity University of New York
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.Blogspot.com
Sunday, February 17, 2008
Can India lead the world on Carbon Capping? Of Course.
Can
Chithra Karunakaran, Feb 15, 2008
Nilekani's Blog from Davos about equitable carbon capping is excellent.
But I am going to challenge Nilekani's dependent mindset. Why is Nilekani being a crybaby and holding out for a global consensus on this issue?
Are you saying Nilekani, that
Why doesn't India LEAD (with action, not merely empty words from Infosys and TERI and others) in capping its own carbon?
Why can't
Carbon capping is in the interest of its own long-suffering masses who have to put up with
Let India LEAD, let
Who's denying
But the core question is: What kind of development can
I suggest Indian leaders like Nilekani, Tata and Pachauri stop being part of the problem and instead use their positions of power, status and privilege in
Put your carbon capping solutions where your mouth and your profits are.
Chithra KarunaKaran
http://www.ethicaldemocracy.blogspot.com
http://www.calicutnet.com
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Recently Nandan Nilekani of Infosys, blogging from Davos WEF 2008 posted this:
How about a non-carbon global economy? Posted by: Nandan M. Nilekani on January 25, 2008
Yesterday in Davos, we saw a great deal of discussion around climate change and energy. Yes, there is a tremendous amount of innovation happening in various kinds of solutions related to efficiency, new sources of energy, etc. But my belief is that if we want to bring about real change, we need a global agreement on capping carbon, one that is equitable to both developing and developed countries. If we don’t succeed here, we won’t really be able to implement an effective system globally and it won’t drive incentives towards creating a non-carbon global economy. Developing countries must have their right to develop. People in
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.Blogspot.com
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Friday, February 8, 2008
Voters and Candidates are BUYING the U.S. Presidency
Is this going to be a horse race which will be won by the candidate who raises the MOST money?
Obama's donations are claimed to come from about 300,000 online donors who (repeatedly?) gave $100 or less. Clinton's donors are less transparent and she has said she will not release her tax returns unless he wins the nomination. But could Hillary please release her list of donors?
Either way, both Obama and Clinton AND the voters, are caught up in the money game. We need campaign reform that will allow candidates to present the issues they care about, fairly to the American people and to demonstrate their leadership skills. But that does not mean we the voters have to buy into a broken and corrupt system in which the candidate with the most money becomes the President.
Buying the Presidency is not a viable option, either for candidates or voters, in an authentic ethical democracy.
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.blogspot.com
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York
Thursday, February 7, 2008
Oppressed Histories, Suppressed Knowledges, Segregated Environments: Critical Environmental Studies
ABSTRACT
Dalit Histories, Dalit Environments: Critical Environmental Studies for the Investigation of Power, Space and Place in the Post-Revolutionary, Secular Democratic Indian Nation-State
Human interactions with natural and built environments and conversely the natural and built environments’ impact upon humans, are both embedded in relations of unequal power in terms of access to both nature and culture. Therefore it is critically important to create, generate and utilize new and rigorous research methodologies that recognize the centrality of non-shared, distributed meanings about nature and culture within and across diverse population groups, all of whom are competing stakeholding polities in the post-revolutionary, democratic Indian nation-state. This new knowledge production will necessarily note disparities and divergences in the lifeworlds and socio-economic trajectories of caste, class, ethnicity, gender, religion, income, occupation, employment, age, locality (dis)ability and other intersecting variables of human group membership. A Critical Environmental Studies is suggested. PRO-POOR JUSTICE is the core outcome for such investigations.
Human Geography and Public History are among relatively recent transdisciplines within the social sciences which seek to study divergent and diachronic human patterns and processes within and across specific natural and built environmental contexts. Critical Environmental Studies may be furthered through these new transdisciplines.
I argue, using census data and other primary and secondary sources, that the social complexity and environmental diversity of the Indian nation-state and its prospects for continuing success as a democracy, necessitates the deployment of a constellation of research methodologies that foreground the social relations of power, oppression, subordination, inequality, inequity, exclusion and creating the necessary conditions for empowerment within and across wilderness, rural, urban and transitional environments.
Therefore a Critical Environmental Studies can foreground pro-poor justice by investigating Dalit histories, Dalit contemporary movements and Dalit environments, more broadly framed as the critical study of oppressed histories, suppressed knowledges and segregated environments, offering possibilities for research leading to public policy. The core aim of that public policy would be environmental justice for the Greater Collective Good (GCG™) of the diverse stakeholding polities of the post-revolutionary, democratic Indian nation-state.
Keywords, keyword phrases: Critical Environmental Studies, Dalits, environmental commons, Greater Collective Good, (GCG™) human geography, public history, stakeholding polities, nature, culture, inequality, oppressed histories, suppressed knowledges, segregated environments.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
Presentation at CPRAF Conference on Environment & Indian History
Chennai, Tamil
Note: Intellectual property for unrestricted use with full and complete authorial attribution.
Paper
Critical Environmental Studies
Chithra KarunaKaran
My central thesis for this paper is: the unprecedented Gandhian post-revolutionary, secular democratic Indian nation-state urgently needs to establish Critical Environmental Studies.
Contemporary India can and must develop transformative, transdisciplinary syllabi and practical pedagogies of knowledge production that advance public awareness, consciousness-raising and understanding of local- global environmental issues and concerns that affect and are affected by multiple diverse, competing stakeholding polities of the globally positioned Indian nation-state.
Utilizing holistic, rigorous, integrative, multidisciplinary approaches that draw upon the natural sciences, social sciences and technologies, as well as developing cutting edge investigative assessments of government’s environmental policymaking and implementation (or lack thereof) at the local-global levels, our researchers, scholars, educators, students activists and citizens have the ethical, professional and public responsibility to prioritize the competing and converging environmental goals, needs and aspirations of stakeholding polities of the Indian nation-state.
First, let us consider the global. Mindless replication of western-derived environmental models, especially model(s) of predatory, so-called ‘free market”
The world cannot afford another
Second, what constitutes the local? The overarching social, political and economic meta construct of caste continues to reproduce inequalities which are being re-negotiated in the contemporary context. Therefore, equally and perhaps more dangerously, preserving and maintaining the dominant home-grown, caste-dominant status quo of knowledge production about the environment, through eco-romantic notions of an undoubtedly glorious, but blatantly unequal, environmental heritage in which the oppressed histories, suppressed knowledges and segregated environments of subordinated groups was, and continues to be made invisible or insignificant, is not a viable option in our Gandhi-Ambedkar post-revolutionary democracy.
In contrast, Critical Environmental Studies in schools and colleges and for the general public, can encourage empirical, data-centered investigation of specific environmental issues that can promote sustainability, development of alternative energies, practices and progressive policy-making by central and state governments, by paying attention to entrenched and unequal social formations in specific environmental contexts. In particular, oppressed, suppressed, excluded, underrepresented, neglected and discriminated stakeholding polities can have opportunities to self-identify and engage in educational and democratic processes that influence optimal, equitable sharing of our Environmental Commons with the core objective of advancing the Greater Collective Good (GCG).
I will now unpack each of the above-referenced, bold-faced concepts in this paper.
What is Critical Environmental Studies ?
First, let us clarify what we mean by environment and also what it is not. The environment is not a static, value-free, abstract entity. The environment is diverse, peopled, inhabited by fauna, vegetated, species-rich, resource-rich, enhanced or degraded, configured and re-configured by human agency (which includes nation-state political action) and natural forces. The environment exists as physical, material, palpable reality, infused with diverse symbolic meaning(s) by diverse groups and is constructed dynamically through natural and human agency in space over time.
Let us keep unpacking this multifaceted concept What is Environment? What are Environments? Together they constitute what I have called the Environmental Commons. What constitutes the Environmental Commons? The Environmental Commons is that shared but frequently segregated space that is the totality of air, water, land, flora, fauna and all natural and social heritage resources therein.
Environments as a plural concept, are both natural and built spaces, environments are shaped by both nature and culture and in turn shape interaction within and across multiple, diverse stakeholding polities in the post-revolutionary, democratic Indian nation-state. The environment of a SUV riding urbanite is not the same as the environment of a rickshaw puller or a cobbler even though their respectively segregated social locations and segregated environments are interactive and their environments overlap and impact each other unequally. Clearly the concepts of environment and environments are interpenetrating, intersecting and inseparable. Further, the concept of environments allows for acknowledgment and recognition of both natural and built spaces as shaped by human interaction and intervention, as having ecological specificity and differentiation of both space and place, with space as material entity and place as social location, and therefore capable of critical scientific analysis, utilizing a spectrum of disciplines, methodologies and knowledges.
The following edited narrative data set will serve to illustrate my point. Much more in-depth data collection for this narrative dataset is obviously necessary to perform an analysis that is part of Critical Environmental Studies.
Student: My name is --- (deleted for purposes of privacy and confidentiality of subjects). I study at ---(deleted for purposes of privacy and confidentiality of subjects)
Critical Environmental Studies
Study: I am in the Botany Department at …. (deleted for purposes of privacy and confidentiality of subjects)
CESM: Wow that’s really exciting. I keep discovering for myself everyday how studying environmental issues needs to be multidisciplinary in order to be rigorous. So what research project are you working on right now?
Student: I am making a taxonomy of the plants in a sacred grove in Cuddalur District in Tamil Nadu.
CESM: I’m jealous. I wish I could go there and observe and record the vegetation. BTW, you described yourself as a botany student. That is fine but it is more important to view yourself and describe yourself as a Plant Ecologist. Your work has important implications for the environment and for the historical and contemporary social relations of that ecological niche which you are calling a sacred grove, a Kovil Kadu, do you understand what I mean?
Student: Well I don’t fully understand….yes.
CESM: I want you think about that. Your role is important. Your perception of your role will shape and influence what you do, how you do your work. This is a proven finding in both cognitive psychology and cognitive sociology. So I suggest you think of yourself and talk about yourself to others as a Plant Ecologist.
Student: OK.
CESM: So tell me more about this Kovil kadu in Cuddalur. Who are the people in the Kovil Kadu? What are their caste affiliations and what is their social and economic relationship?
Student: Well the sacred grove has two groups, Vanniyars and Naidus.
CESM: So these are the dominant castes in the sacred grove, yes? Do you know anything more about them?
Student: Yes. The Naidus moved into the area.
CESM: Caste relationships are always significant at the local level. So, the Naidus enjoy co-equal status with the Vanniyars? If you are migrating group like the Naidus in this particular example, you can always reinvent yourself as better, more important, having a glorious lineage etc. than if you stay in the same place. Caste has always had upward social mobility which is also why it has so much power.
Student: I think so. They (Vanniyars, Naidus) are equal.
CESM: If there are dominant caste groups in this particular Kovil Kadu, there’s got to be subordinated caste and outcaste groups. Who are the Dalits in the so-called sacred grove?
Student: The Dalits are allowed to go into the scared grove on special religious festivals.
CESM: First you should make a list of all the dominant and subordinated caste and outcaste groups in the Kovil Kadu. The fact that the Dalits need permission from the Naidus and the Vanniyars obviously confirms their subordinated status. The plant taxonomy of the sacred grove cannot be fully understood unless you understand the political economy of the sacred grove.
Who is the deity of the Vanniyars and the Naidus?
Student: It is a god called Agni Veeran.
CESM: Hmm Agni Veeran. A dominant, powerful god. I’m betting the Dalits have a different, inferior god. Who is the deity of the Dalits?
Student: He is called Nondy (lame) Veeran.
CESM: There you go. In other words, every Dalit adult, every Dalit child from earliest childhood all throughout their lives, in that so-called sacred grove, gets the powerful cultural caste message that they are inferior, that even their God is defective, misshapen, inferior. That is a powerful message that reproduces and affirms social inequality, using religion as a tool. You see, caste inequality is being reproduced and affirmed, today in the year 2008. That is very important.
Obviously I am not suggesting that differently abled persons are inferior. But in this data, the Dalit gets a powerful outcaste-based message of social and cultural inferiority. Do you see how social relationships shape the ecology and environment of the sacred grove, segregating it and rendering it unequal?
Student: OK, I’ll try to understand your point.
CESM: Now your job is to demonstrate, through your data, that the plant taxonomy is socially constructed. Ask yourself some critical questions to help you make sense of your data. Q.Which group(s) own the most economically valuable plants?Q. Which plants are sacred? Who made them sacred? Who controls the economic resources of the sacred grove? Keep asking questions and keep collecting data. Your project has just begun. Now you are beginning to undertake Critical Environmental Studies.
Congratulations!
(end of edited narrative dataset)
Critical Environmental Studies therefore necessitates a multipolar, multidimensional appraisal of environment and environments.
No single discipline or field of inquiry or theory or methodology will be adequate or sufficient to capture the environmental and social complexity of the Indian nation-state and its increasing strategic interfaces with world environmental systems. The environment and environments are not private property to be exclusively appropriated by historians or sociologists or engineers or policymakers but each may contribute their specific expertise (which is admittedly narrow) to a combined and comprehensive understanding that is both critical and transformative, of current unequal access to and participation in our common environment.
Therefore, we need to develop comprehensive, dynamic and specific approaches that allow for investigation and analysis of environmental spaces, contexts, niches, localities and their related issues and concerns.
More than ever, it is important to be able to develop Critical Environmental Studies for comprehensively studying human interaction vis a vis natural and built environments in spatial-temporal contexts that are wideranging and involve the local-global nexus simultaneously. For example global climate change (now proven to be caused by human action,despite claims to the contrary, by powerful U.S. Govt. and corporate interests, ) is on one end of the spectrum and at the other end of that same spectrum, is the recent local introduction in India, of the so-called “people’s car”, the Nano, as a policy priority over grossly inadequate mass public transportation. Much has already been written and said on global climate change and it is now recognized as an existing phenomenon with immediate disastrous mid- and long term consequences for our planet. Let me instead focus on the local implications for a Critical Environmental Studies in the case of the Nano.
In Critical Environment Studies, which continually intersect the local with the global, the questions to be investigated, among others, might be:
Q. Which stakeholding polities -- urban elites, multinational corporates, politicians, consuming classes who are also the disposing classes) both global and local, demonstrated unequal power of access to nature and culture in exercising their respective options on global climate change and local transportation that favored their own narrowly defined, self-serving constituencies, not constituencies working for the Greater Collective Good?
Q. What public needs assessments and what environmental feasibility studies, if any, were conducted as a basis for formulating a policy to favor production of a particular private car, over public buses, underground mass transit and expansion of passenger rail services? No public needs assessments? Why?
Q. How did the otherwise vocal Chairperson of the Nobel-winning Intergovernmental Policy on Climate Change (IPCC) who performed admirably (but without personal accountability) by telling entire nations what to do about climate change, become strangely silent, right in his own backyard, on the potential environmental impact of the Nano?
Q. Did the fact that he is employed (at an undisclosed salary as Director-General of TERI, the Energy Resources Institute, alternatively and perhaps more accurately referred to as Tata Energy Resources Institute, its forerunner) for which Tata is a primary founding corporate sponsor and multinational corporate player, prevent him from taking a proactive vocal stand for mass public transportation and against the private automobile? Was Pachauri bought by Tata so that the conglomerate could attempt to manufacture and sell the Nano?
Q.Is TERI, an institute constructed on the
Q. Which stakeholding polities of public mass transportation – office workers, agricultural laborers, farmers, children, the poor in general – were not represented, and whose stakeholding interests in mass public transportation were not taken into account?
Q. Was the decision to locate Nano production in Left-dominated
Q. What specific environmental impacts will be the consequence of a corporate-government (Tata/UPA) collusional policy decision to favor and develop private automobile transportation over public mass transportation?
The datasets and databases for investigation on the above Critical Environmental Studies topic would be: the text of the Tata Chairman’s own statements; TERI as corporate-financed think tank structural model; Singur as ecological niche; agricultural and landless stakeholders in Singur; central and local Government policy; High Court rulings; activist mass struggles; media coverage; environmental and economic feasibility of the Nano in urban and semi-urban environments; private vs. public transportation investments; and other related areas of research.
Critical Environmental Studies can study the dual impact of 1) central and state environmental policy and 2) national and multinational corporate activity, on marginal workers, landless agricultural laborers, sex trafficked women, child laborers, the disabled, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, ecological refugees, the elderly and other vulnerable groups. These vulnerable and largely voiceless groups are disproportionately and negatively impacted by both central and state environmental policy and national and multinational corporate activity No environmental study, whether historical or contemporary or both can afford to ignore the relations of unequal power between dominant and subordinated social groups who are an integral and instrumental part of the natural and built environment.
Clearly, as in the above examples, Critical Environmental Studies may make possible unflinching, rigorous independent environmental assessments based on data, not wealth and political influence, that foreground social, political and economic relations of unequal power over natural and built environments.
My mention above of narrowly defined, self-serving constituencies at both the local and global levels permits a seamless segue into a discussion of my concept of the Greater Collective Good (GCG).
What is the Greater Collective Good?
The Greater Collective Good is a quantifiable measure of a desirable outcome on any specific environmental issue. The GCG can be deployed both as a research and a policy tool.
As a specific and concrete example, to measure the Greater Collective Good, let us investigate the social location, economic marginality, ecological niche, government environmental policy implications, within a specific environment, in this case the Chennai urban environment, of a Dalit male of about 45 years, who can be readily observed in any Chennai locality, collecting discarded empty plastic Govt. of Tamil Nadu Aavin milk sachets, so that he can bring them in a large sack slung over his shoulder, to a private waste recycling business owner and be arbitrarily paid a pittance for his daily subsistence.
Critical Environmental Studies would ask the following questions as part of a research study:
Q. How many stakeholding polities are identifiable in the above-referenced data sample?
Q. Does this Dalit, knee-deep in garbage hazardous to his health represent a stakeholding polity?
Q. Who generates this trash of ever expanding volume and non-biodegradable variety, without public accountability? The urban middle class? (another stakeholding polity)
Q. What about the role of the state Govt.? Is it another identifiable stakeholding polity? It is both a producer of the waste product and a policy maker on this specific issue. Is there a conflict of interest here?
Q. What about the private recycling business owner, yet another stakeholding polity?
Q. Any other stakeholding polities that researchers may have missed? Who are they?
After identifying all the stakeholding polities on this particular environmental issue, some critical followup questions with environmental policy making implications are needed:
Q. Does the govt. whether local or national recognize this Dalit plastic trash picker as a Primary Ecologist who clearly makes a valuable contribution to the economy and the environment, or as a disposable human being whose birth and death are merely statistics for the municipal and census records and are only given lip service at election time?
Q. Does the govt. whether local or national, have a policy to subsidize this Dalit’s ecological contribution by paying his wages and meeting his socio-economic and health needs?
Q. Does the govt. have a policy to tax middle-class polities who disproportionately consume and generate waste from the product?
Q. Are there private-public partnerships that recognize their joint social responsibility since they are consumers of the abovementioned product but make no ecological contribution, in this particular example?
Therefore quantifying the Greater Collective Good as an environmental measure requires negotiating tradeoffs with competing but often socially, culturally and economically and unequal polities, but with a clear and rational data-centered, policy-specific commitment to those who are making ecological contributions (in the above-referenced case the Dalit plastic trash picker) and who gain little or no socio-economic return on their vital ecological contribution. The Greater Collective Good Measure of Environment challenges and dismantles supremacist, hierarchical caste-based ideology that is pervasive and has no empirical support when submitted to rigorous scientific methodology on protection and optimization of the environment for the benefit of ALL users.
Who and What are Stakeholding Polities?
Stakeholding polities, like all of the groups discussed in the above example, are indispensable human constituencies of the Post-Revolutionary, Democratic Indian nation-state. They are multiple, diverse, structurally unequal human collectivities with unequal access to, and participation in, both nature and culture. Stakeholding polities are assemblages of populations who inhabit multiple, diverse environments, they are groups of persons with unequal caste affiliations, distinct ethnic heritages, disparities and divergences in the lifeworlds, socio-historical and socio-economic trajectories of language, religion, gender, sexual orientation, income, employment, occupation, age, locality (dis)ability and other intersecting variables of human group membership.
In my presentation I set out to investigate the relationship between stakeholding polities and environments with the following core objective: to demonstrate that the study of environments must proceed as multidiscipline, interdiscipline and transdiscipline without privileging and valorizing any one field of inquiry such as history or environmental history.
Let me be specific -- If a scholar undertakes a study of Sacred Animals in Indian History, some critical questions must follow:
Q. Sacred to whom? Q. Made sacred by Whom? Q. What are the social consequences of sacralization? Q. Consequences of sacralization are experienced by whom? Q. If animals were/are sacralized, whose diet and socio-economic position are negatively affected, the collectivity with power over natural and cultural resources or the collectivity without power over natural and cultural resources?
Q. The historian is studying sacredness from whose perspective, the dominant or the oppressed?
Q. If history continues to be a master narrative of dominant castes and elite classes, what other disciplines and knowledges, especially oppressed and suppressed knowledges, can challenge, contest and dismantle the master narrative trajectory of history?
Such research questions and the answers they elicit may enable critical analysis of social relations of unequal power that shape both natural and built environments within and across wilderness, rural, urban and transitional spaces.
Natural Sciences, Social Sciences, Public History, Human Geography, Corporates, Governments, Technologies in the Construction of Critical Environmental Studies:
I have tried to make the case above for a rigorous transdisciplinary approach to Critical Environmental Studies. I have tried to show that a natural science, example botany that generates plant taxonomies, is inextricably connected to the sociology of caste orthodoxy in a specific ecological niche example a sacred grove. Again I have illustrated above that government policy can negatively impact the most marginalized workers in my example, marginalized workers who are making ecological contributions.
Clearly the so-called free market and globalization has important implications for Critical Environmental Studies. Corporates are amassing wealth and other resources and playing an increasingly significant role in controlling and directing the Indian economy. Finally rapidly changing technologies can be deployed to advance the greater collective good or they can be manipulated by government and corporates to limit the access and participation of subordinated stakeholding polities in the environment.
Environmental History or Critical Environmental Studies?
A focus on the historical past of dominant groups, written by dominant groups, cannot logically gather evidence about subordinated groups who are present in any ecological niche or context. That account must generally be advanced by those who have membership within that subordinated group, with possible strategic allies from dominant groups. The narrative evidence of history including its sub-field, environmental history is that it is a master narrative, the narrative by dominant groups of the lifeworlds of dominant groups. In
Below, I have paraphrased existing definitions of Public History and Human Geography for their possible use in constructing Critical Environmental Studies in the Indian context.
Public History can be described as a field of inquiry in which we present and interpret history in a wide variety of dynamic venues, ranging from street performance events to festivals to museums to public television to digital libraries. Students, scholars and activists can work as archivists, manuscript curators, documentary editors, oral historians, cultural resource managers, historical interpreters and new media specialists. The extensive and growing Public History of Race, Slavery, the
“Dalits Spaces, Dalit places” might well be the subject of Public History. Such a critical focus immediately raises the possibility that Brahmin (dominant-caste spaces) and Dalit spaces have very little in common but the crucial fact is that they unequally intersect in the natural and built environment. Similarly a Public History of the Narmada Bachao Andolan would highlight compelling evidence that ecological refugees are among the most marginalized and vulnerable stakeholding polities in the in the post-revolutionary secular democratic Indian nation-state. The list of potential topics for Public History is long and in
Human Geography foregrounds humans in their natural or built physical settings; Human Geography studies humans’ relationship with those specific multiple environments as well as humans’ activities/ plans in adapting themselves to it (and adapting to other socially located humans who form part of their environment) and in transforming their environment to their needs. Human Geography may in turn be subdivided into a number of fields, such as economic geography, political geography and geopolitics (its 20th-century offshoot, social geography (including urban geography, another 20th-century ramification), environmental perception and management, geographical cartography, geographic information systems, and military geography. Historical geography (which reconstructs geographies of the past and attempts to trace the evolution of physical and cultural features) and Urban and Regional planning are considered branches of geography. The Human Geography of ecological refugees, dislocated peoples, disabled populations, and topics like water and water sharing, credit and farmer suicide, invasion, occupation and ethnic strife can be considered legitimate fields of inquiry. The role of policymakers in shaping and determining these events is equally legitimate inquiry. Because Human Geography foregrounds humans in their natural and built settings it is strongly allied in intellectual inquiry with the constructions of Public History.
Critical Environmental Studies as detailed above in this paper, studies both natural and built environments from multiple diverse intersecting perspectives that are concurrently historical and contemporary, investigating unequal power, unequal access, unequal resources, unequal social locations within and across natural and built physical spaces.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
Note: Intellectual property for unrestricted use with full and complete authorial attribution. Any other use without full and complete authorial attribution shall constitute plagiarism.
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The Two Cultures debate and a unifying new sense of urgency
Posted by wkovarik under Environmental History , Academic lifeAlmost 50 years ago, British scientist and author C.P. Snow touched a nerve when he wrote about the split between the “Two Cultures” of academic and intellectual tradition: the scientific culture and the literary culture:
“There seems to be no place where the two cultures meet… The clashihg point of two subjects, two disciplines, two cultures — or two galaxies, as far as that goes — ought to produce creative chances. But there they are, in a vacuum, because those in the two cultures can’t talk to each other. It is bizarre how little of 20th century science has been assimilated.”
Snow argued that the condition was dangerous.
“In a time when science is determining much of our destiny, that is, whether we live or die, it is dangerous in the most practical terms… [The ‘two cultures’ gap should be closed] … for the sake of intellectual life and … for the sake of Western society living precariously rich among the poor, and for the poor who needn’t be poor if there is intelligence in the world.” These ideas resonated deeply within the academy, leading to widespread debate over the role of scientific communication (See this wiki article).
Around the same time, British scientist Jacob Brownowski made perhaps the most eloquent argument for scientific literacy and communication across cultural chasms:
“If we are anything, we must be a democracy of the intellect. We must not perish by the distance between people and power, by which Babylon and Egypt and Rome failed. And that distance can only be closed if knowledge sits in the homes and heads of people with no ambition to control others, and not in isolated seats of power.”
Before Snow and Bronowski, the basic idea of science communication usually involved enhancement of public appreciation for the benefits of science. But after the Two Cultures debate emerged in the mainstream, a strong polarization emerged, with the scientific culture considering itself “in favour of social reform and progress through science” while literary culture was composed of ‘Luddites’ intrinsically opposed to advanced industrial society.
Ironically, this polarization occurred in the 1960s, just as Silent Spring awakened the environmental movement from the long slumber of Conservationism. Environmentalists certainly did not see themselves as opposing science and progress, but rather as advocating rational science and the precautionary principle. One does not “progress” until one is certain of the direction one is taking.
But certainly the bitter attacks on Rachel Carson by the petrochemical industry and affiliated scientists were ample evidence that reform and science were not married to the hyper-industrial vision of society.
More recently, we have observed an obvious need to understand environmental science for the apparent sake of our long term ecological survival.
Yet it is important to remember that in previous decades, despite perhaps less than dire circumstances, there seemed an urgent need to share the logic and perspectives of science, for the benefit of human values shared with the literary culture, and as a simple component of the democratic process.
One Response to “The Two Cultures debate and a unifying new sense of urgency”
Chithra KarunaKaran
Ethical Democracy As Lived Practice
http://www.EthicalDemocracy.Blogspot.com
February 1st, 2008 at 5:02 am
I wanted to leave a comment about so-called Environmental History. I reject the term Environmental History as too limiting.
What we really need is:
Critical Environmental Studies
It is a disservice to knowledge production on Environment(s) to privilege History as a sole or primary conduit for such knowledge production. History focuses on the past usually without reference to the present, is always a Master narrative, bringing a dominant (vs. suppressed, oppressed) and elite(vs. mass or populist or public) perspective, in this case, to the study of environment(s). The study of Environment(s) must necessarily deploy knowledge and methodology across natural and social disciplines and include accompanying methodologies and technologies.
,
This approach might promote a CRITICAL approach to the study of Environment.
I became intensely aware of the need for Critical Environmental Studies that does not privilege any discipline or field of inquiry over any other, during my recent (January 2008) Conference presentations in India, where the issues of environment and human geography are of paramount importance, but are being given scant attention. Mainly this is because of the dominant elite caste mindset used by historians. In the U.S. the white male view of history is pervasive and all other histories — Native American History, Black History, Womyn’s Herstory, Gay and Lesbian histories are alternative, underground versions of oppressed peoples’ histories, challenging the dominant default mode of historical narrative.
I think we should be very mindful of these implications and work together to construct Critical Environmental Studies.
Dr. Chithra KarunaKaran
City University of New York